Page:Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition, v. 6.djvu/106

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C B D E N he did not bring away a very favourable impression. He returned to England in April 1837. From that time Cobdeu became a conspicuous figure in Manchester, taking a leading part in the local politics of the town and district. Largely owing to his exertions, the Manchester Athenaeum was established, at the opening of which he was chosen to deliver the inaugural address. He became a member of the Chamber of Commerce, and soon infused new life into that body. He threw himself with great energy into the agitation which led to the incorporation of the city, and was elected one of its first aldermen. He began also to take a warm interest in the cause of popular education. Some of his first attempts in public speaking were at meet ings which he convened at Manchester, Salford, Bolton, Rochdale, and other adjacent towns, to advocate the estab lishment of British schools. It was while on a mission for this purpose to Rochdale that he first formed the acquaint ance of Mr John Bright, who afterwards became his distinguished coadjutor in the free trade agitation. Nor was it long before his fitness for parliamentary life was recognized by his friends. In 1837, the death of William IV. and the accession of Queen Victoria led to a general election. Cobden was candidate for Stockport, but was defeated, though not by a large majority. In 1838 an Anti-Corn-Law Association was formed at Manchester, which, on his suggestion, was afterwards changed into a national association, under the title of the Anti-Corn-Law League. This is not the place to recount the history of that famous association, of which from first to last Cobden was the presiding genius and the animating soul. During the seven years between the formation of the league and its final triumph, he devoted himself wholly to the work of teaching his countrymen sound economical doctrines, for the agitation which he and his associates conducted with such signal ability and success was pre eminently an educational agitation. His labours were as various as they were incessant, now guiding the councils of the League, now addressing crowded and enthusiastic meetings of his supporters in London or the large towns of England and Scotland, now invading the agricultural districts, and challenging the landlords to meet him in the presence of their own farmers, to discuss the question in dispute, and now encountering the Chartists led on by Feargus O Connor, who had deluded a portion of the working classes into fanatical opposition to free frade. But whatever was the character of his audience he never failed, by the clearness of his statements, the force of his reasoning, and the felicity of his illustrations, to carry conviction to the minds of his hearers. In 1841, Sir Robert Peel having defeated the Melbourne ministry in Parliament, there was a general election, when Cobden was returned for Stockport. His opponents had confidently predicted that he would fail utterly in the House of Commons. He did not wait long, after his admission into that assembly, in bringing their predic tions to the test. Parliament met on the 19th August. On the 24th, in course of the debate on the Address, Cobden delivered his first speech. " It was remarked, " pays Miss Martineau, in her History of tJie Peace, " that he was not treated in the House with the courtesy usually accorded to a new member, and it was perceived that he did not need such observance." With perfect self-posses sion, which was not disturbed by the jeers that greeted some of his statements, and with the utmost simplicity, direct ness, and force, he presented the argument against the corn- laws in such a form as startled his audience, and also irritated some of them, for it was a style of eloquence very unlike the conventional style which prevailed in Parliament. From that day he became an acknowledged power in the House, and though addressing a most unfriendly audience, ie compelled attention by his thorough mastery of his subject, and by the courageous boldness with which he harged the ranks of his adversaries. He soon came to be recognized as one of the foremost debaters on those

conomical and commercial questions which at that time so

much occupied the attention of Parliament ; and the most prejudiced and bitter of his opponents were fain to acknow ledge that they had to deal with a man whom the most practised and powerful orators of their party found it hard to cope with, and to whose eloquence, indeed, the great statesman in whom they put their trust was obliged ultimately to surrender. On the 17th of February 1843 an extraordinary scene took place in the House of Commons. Cobden had spoken with great fervour of the deplorable suffering and distress which at that time pre vailed in the country, for which, he added, he held Sir Robert Peel, as the head of the Government, responsible. This remark, when it was spoken, passed unnoticed, being indeed nothing more than one of the commonplaces of party warfare. But a few weeks before, Mr Drummond, who was Sir Robert Peel s private secretary, had been shot dead in the street by a lunatic. In consequence of this, and the manifold anxieties of the time with which he was harassed, the mind of the great statesman was no doubt in a moody and morbid condition, and when he arose to speak later in the evening, he referred in excited and agitated tones to the remark, as an incitement to violence against his person. Sir Robert Peel s party, catching at this hint, threw themselves into a frantic state of excitement, and when Cobden attempted to explain that he meant official, not personal responsibility, they drowned his voice with clamorous and insulting shouts. But Peel lived to make ample and honourable amend for this unfortunate ebullition, for not only did he "fully and unequivocally withdraw the imputation which was thrown out in the heat of debate under an erroneous impression," but when the great free trade battle had been Avon, he took the wreath of victory from his own brow, and placed it on that of his old opponent, in the following graceful words : "The name which ought to be, and will be associated with the success of these measures, is not mine, or that of the noble Lord (Russell), but the name of one who, acting I believe from pure and disinterested motives, has, with untiring energy, made appeals to our reason, and has enforced those appeals Avith an eloquence the more to be admired because it Avas unaffected and unadorned; the name Avhich ought to be chiefly associated with the success of these measures is the name of Richard Cobden." Cobden had, indeed, with unexampled devotion, sacrificed his business, his domestic comforts, and for a time his health to the public interests. His friends therefore felt, at the close of that long campaign, that the nation owed him some substantial token of gratitude and admiration for those sacrifices. No sooner was the idea of such a tribute started than liberal contributions came from all quarters, which enabled his friends to present him Avith a sum of ,80,000. Had he been inspired with personal ambition, he might have entered upon the race of political advancement Avith the prospect of attaining the highest official prizes. Lord John Russell, who, soon after the repeal of the corn laA r s, succeeded Sir Robert Peel as first minister, invited Cobden to join his Government. But he preferred keeping himself at liberty to serve his countrymen ur>shackled by official ties, and declined the invitation. He Avithdrew for a time from England. His fin t intention Avas to seek complete seclusion in Egypt or Italy, to recover health and strength after his long and exhausting labours. But his fame had gone forth throughout Europe, and intimations reached him from many quarters

that his voice would be listened to everywhere with favour.