140 REVIEWS OF BOOKS January some three weeks in March and April. Book ii is a similar survey from 11 November 1848 to 1 July 1851, while book iii contains prospects and retrospects from January to June 1849. First the author and then the editors have suppressed much of the written text, and the editorial com- ments on what is now printed will appear only at a later stage. Mean- while the interest of a foreign reader, even in what concerns his own country, is held somewhat in suspense. In September 1858, for example, 1 Elliot . . . could not believe in Ward's nomination as Consul-general in place of Hodges. In any case England now knew how it will be regarded if Prince Albert's influence reached so far ' (p. 335) constitutes one of many passages, the value of which must depend largely upon authoritative annotation. Krieger, for all his caution, reveals himself as a dry dispassionate man, somewhat severely critical of mankind, and especially of his own col- leagues, and lacking perhaps in the force and imagination necessary to make his cool wisdom effective. The reader feels that of him it might be said, as of his famous contemporary, that the largest fidelity to a trust was the life-blood of the man. His judgements both of men and of events have not lost interest. Thinking of France, on New Year's Day 1849 he declares that the struggle which some hold peculiar to limited monarchy, viz. between Crown and chamber and between parties, is founded deep on the nature of man and of the state. Unity is possible by way of royal absolutism or the despotism of the Convention : there must be two parties in a state, or none at all, or one party and a guillotine. Ten years later he describes Bismarck as extravagant (in his ways) ; with great influence over Prussian policy, which he usually shapes in Frankfort without instructions ; and with a far wider and higher vision than most other Germans — witness his idea of an alliance between Germany and the Protestant north. Looking back to Cavour's visit to Napoleon at Plombieres (21 July 1858) he observed, ' The new Europe was founded at this meeting '. Krieger is occasionally anecdotal, provided that the anecdote is not his own. In March 1858, ' H. Hage told me of Oxholm that he wanted to offer payment to The Times, and that therefore Delane always turned his back on him in company '. In June, ' Campenhausen praised Prince Gortchakof 's great power of work ; he could dictate political dispatches to three secretaries at once ; he received reports from his ministry from 5 to 9 a.m., slept only 3^ hours at night and an hour at midday ', &c. But the main threads of such record of the decade as is here provided are four in number — the new constitution, the king, the duchies, and the pan- Scandinavian idea. The Fundamental Law which, to the mute horror of the Swedish court, made Denmark a constitutional state, developed party strife in which the author played his part as actor, chronicler, and critic. Internal and external difficulties alike were increased by the character of the king. Again and again Krieger reverts to the morganatic marriage which Frederick VII extorted from his ministers by threatening to drink himself to death. At times his weakness was pitiable, as when (14 May 1858) he was inhibited from spending 1,600 dollars on an antiquarian collection. At other times it was ludicrous, as when the king, compelled to appoint
