chosen immediately by the People, are nearly as large as will be necessary for her Representatives in the Congress. Those of Massachusetts are larger than will be necessary for that purpose; and those of New York still more so. In the last State, the Members of Assembly, for the cities and counties of New York and Albany, are elected by very nearly as many voters as will be entitled to a Representative in the Congress, calculating on the number of sixty-five Representatives only. It makes no difference, that in these Senatorial districts and counties, a number of Representatives are voted for by each elector, at the same time. If the same electors, at the same time, are capable of choosing four or five Representatives, they cannot be incapable of choosing one. Pennsylvania is an additional example. Some of her counties, which elect her State Representatives, are almost as large as her districts will be by which her Fœderal Representatives will be elected. The city of Philadelphia is supposed to contain between fifty and sixty thousand souls. It will, therefore, form nearly two districts for the choice of Fœderal Representatives. It forms, however, but one county, in which every elector votes for each of its Representatives in the State Legislature. And what may appear to be still more directly to our purpose, the whole city actually elects a single member for the Executive Council. This is the case in all the other counties of the State.
Are not these facts the most satisfactory proofs of the fallacy which has been employed against the branch of the Fœderal Government under consideration? Has it appeared on trial, that the Senators of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York, or the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, or the members of the Assembly in the two last States, have betrayed any peculiar disposition to sacrifice the many to the few; or are in any respect less worthy of their places, than the Representa-