have not been able for a moment to satiate the warlike instincts of the European world. Not content with subduing the extra- European races, we arm ruinously against each other. "Never," said Lord Derby as early as 1876, "since the world began, have such masses of men been drilled and disciplined for purposes of war"; and, of course, the armaments of 1876 were mere toys to what they are to-day. For, yearly, new expedients of conscription cram the barrack-yards of the Continent, and young navies dispute the roadway of the high seas. All done on the highest principles, and in order to promote the sacred cause of peace!
So far, then, as the arguments of those who believe in the future peacefulness of European democracy have been examined, they do not appear to be as solid as might be wished.
Nevertheless, it would be inadvisable to draw a hasty conclusion. On an issue so complex and so all -important for ourselves, no argumentative precaution is superfluous. We must heave the lead every inch of the way over the red coral and the volcanic floor. Therefore, let us weigh with equal care the arguments of those who, with Moltke and Lord Salisbury, hold democracy to be essentially inimical to peace. These reasons may prove to be weak in their turn. If so, we shall have to adjust our views accordingly, and strike a balance between rival uncertainties.
Lord Salisbury himself, in 1898, furnished a
