Page:Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar (1910 Kautzsch-Cowley edition).djvu/335

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19:27, &c.; 29:10 now when Jacob had seen Rachel (בַּֽאֲשֶׁר רָאָה)..., Jacob went near, &c.; so also in clauses which express the completion or incompleteness of one action, &c., on the occurrence of another, as in Gn 2415, 2730, &c.; cf. §164b, with the note, and c.

 [106g2. To represent actions, events, or states, which, although completed in the past, nevertheless extend their influence into the present (in English generally rendered by the present):

(a) Expressing facts which were accomplished long before, or conditions and attributes which were acquired long before, but of which the effects still remain in the present (present perfect), e.g. ψ 1011 הִסְתִּיר פָּנָיו he hath hidden his face (and still keeps it hidden); ψ 1436 פֵּרַ֫שְׂתִּי I have spread forth my hands (and still keep them spread forth). This applies particularly to a large number of perfects (almost exclusively of intransitive[1] verbs, denoting affections or states of the mind) which in English can be rendered only by the present, or, in the case mentioned above under f, by the imperfect.[2] Thus, יָדַ֫עְתִּי I know (prop. I have perceived, have experienced) Jb 92, 1013, לֹא יָדַ֫עְתִּי I know not Gn 49, &c.; on the other hand, e.g. in Gn 2816, Nu 2234, the context requires I knew not; זָכַ֫רְנוּ we remember Nu 115; מֵֽאֲנָה she refuseth Jb 67; עָלַץ it exulteth; שָׂמַ֫חְתִּי I rejoice 1 S 21; בִּקֵּשׁ he requireth Is 112; קִוִּ֫יתִי I wait Gn 4918, ψ 1305 (parallel with הוֹחָֽ֫לְתִּי); חָפַ֫צְתִּי I delight ψ 409 (mostly negative, Is 111, &c.); אָהַ֫בְתִּי I love Gn 274; שָׂנֵ֫אתִי I hate ψ 317; מָאַ֫סְתִּי I despise Am 521; תִּֽעֲב֫וּנִי they abhor me Jb 3010; בָּטַ֫חְתִּי I trust ψ 252; חָסִ֫יתִי I put my trust ψ 312; צָדַ֫קְתִּי I am righteous Jb 345; פָּקַ֫דְתִּי I have decided to requite 1 S 152.—We may further include a number of verbs which express bodily characteristics or states, such as גָּדַ֫לְתָּ thou art great ψ 1041; קָטֹ֫נְתִּי I am little Gn 3211; גָּֽבְהוּ they are high Is 559; רָֽחֲקוּ they stand aloof Jb 3010; טֹ֫בוּ they are goodly Nu 245; נָאווּ they are beautiful Is 527; זָקַ֫נְתִּי I am old Gn 1813; יָגַ֫עְתִּי I am weary ψ 67; שָׂבַ֫עְתִּי I am full Is 111, &c.

 [106h]  Rem. To the same category probably belong also the perfects after עַד־מָתַי Ex 103 how long hast thou already been refusing (and refusest still...? which really amounts to how long wilt thou refuse?), ψ 805, Pr 122 (co-ordinate with the imperf.), and after עַד־אָ֫נָה Ex 1628, Hb 12.

 [106i]  (b) In direct narration to express actions which, although really only in process of accomplishment, are nevertheless meant to be repre-

  1. With regard to the great but very natural preponderance of intransitive verbs (expressing an existing state), cf. the lists in Knudtzon (see above, p. 309, note 2), pp. 117 and 122 in the Danish text.
  2. Cf. novi, odi, memini; οἶδα, μέμνημαι, ἔοικα, δέδορκα, κέκραγα; in the New Testament, ἤλπικα, ἡγαπηκα.