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acter of real, genuine democracy. It must be one of the people, conducted in an open and honorable manner, and in a spirit of patriotism. It is somewhat singular that all the leaders of this movement, which so signally failed, are strong pro-slavery men; and the belief is almost irresistible that they were actuated more by a desire to preserve the “peculiar institution,” than a real, sincere wish to restore civil authority.
The importance of establishing a civil government among us. and restoring Louisiana again to her proper position in the Union, cannot be overrated. Such an event would not only remove from us many of the restrictions, burdens and inconveniences which now rest so heavily upon us, incident to the insurrection and the existence of martial law, and against which we hear so many complaints in the community; but it would also strengthen the Union cause elsewhere in our country, and have a salutary effect abroad. As soon as the Union lines are extended to embrace a few more parishes, which can be done at any time, we should reorganize our State Government, and place ourselves completely in line with the loyal States of the Union. There is no reason why we should not all unite in this great movement, and put an end to the stigma of disloyalty which still rests upon the fair fame of our noble State. The whole country looks to us for immediate action in this matter. The President feels a deep interest in it, and, with that tender regard for the rights of the people which distinguishes his administration, is anxious to give you the selection of your own civil officers. Indeed, even in December last, he told me that just as fast as we could name to him competent and loyal citizens of our own, he would fill the Federal offices of this State with them. He has already acted on this principle in the appointment of a Judge, District Attorney, Marshal, and other officers. Let us then, like good citizens, proud of our rights come together in a spirit of harmony and patriotism, and place Louisiana where she belongs, and where she can be of service to the country.
But how are we to do this? Are we to resort to and continue to live under the present Constitution of Louisiana, or are we to call a Convention and make a new Constitution? Are we to recognize and protect the limited amount of slavery which still exists, or are we, by a new Constitution, to wipe slavery from our soil? These are important questions They are deserving of our most serious attention and study. Many of us are quite rash, and many very timid, in coming to a decision; many are of one opinion, many of another; many are governed by calm reason and justice, others by interest and prejudice. I make neither plan a condition of my Unionism. I recognize good and true Union men on both sides, and 1 do not think that the cause which we all have so much at heart will be at all advanced by encouraging the bandying of such epithets as “Abolitionists” and “Copperheads.” But, as the time is fast arriving when every man must take sides on these questions, and as many of you have expressed a desire to have my views on them. I will briefly give them to you.
I think the easiest and most prudent and expeditious way of restoring this State to all her rights in the Union, and giving her a civil government, is to call a Convention and frame a new Constitution. But we are told by the mysterious gentlemen who meet in the Masonic Hall, that there is no authority vested with the power to call a Convention except the Legislature, and that the Constitution can only be changed in the manner pointed out by its own provisions. If this were true, we would have to wait a long time before we could obtain a new Constitution; for there is now scarcely a Legislature in existence, and even if there were, it is exceedingly doubtful whether it would be willing to call a Convention.
