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Many, and especially blacks, will object to any proposition to colonize the colored people. The suggestion of colonization comes from no ill-will towards the negro. Colonization has been advocated by some of the leading minds and philanthropists of our country. It is pretty well ascertained, I think, that Mr. Lincoln favors it, and that the Postmaster General has advocated it. John McDonogh, whom you all remember as the philanthropic millionaire and the friend of the negro, gives expression, quaintly, to this impressive language in his instructions to his executors:
“Having been the friend of the black and colored man through the whole period of my long life, I will now (when near its close) give to them, (the free black and colored man, wherever he may be through out our widely extended country,) a parting counsel and advice, in the interest of themselves and their posterity. The counsel I offer them, in all the sincerity of my soul, is that they separate themselves from the white man. That they take their wives, their children, and their substance, and depart to the land of their fathers; that great and ancient land, where they and their posterity, through all their generations, may be safe, may be happy, living under their own fig tree and vine, having none to make them afraid.”
While I favor the emancipation of the slaves, and consider myself a friend of the colored people, I cannot but regret and condemn the course which some of them are now pursuing in this city. At a meeting lately held by them, the proceedings of which were reported in one of our newspapers, resolutions were passed demanding the right to vote with white men, and a petition was drawn up to be handed to the Military Governor asking such right. These persons do not style themselves colored people in their resolutions and petition; they think the words “natives of Louisiana” more significant and high-sounding, and appear to forget that the general term “natives,” includes white persons as well as colored. The spirit of Know-Nothingism which pervades their document is more evident and more boldly expressed in the speeches of their orators. One of their oracles was not satisfied with giving us his legal opinion that “Louisiana is a Territory, not a State”—for which opinion he had distinguished authority, as we have already seen—but thought proper to make an attack on our naturalized citizens, especially those from Ireland and Germany, which was as unnecessary and impertinent as it was unjust. “Go to the Registration office,” said this colored Know-Nothing, “and see the crosses there of Irishmen and Germans who cannot write their names.” This fling at the intelligent, honest and Union-loving citizens of German origin is as ill-timed and ungracious as it is untrue. The Germans as a general thing do not make their crosses, but sign their names, and in beautiful penmanship at that. They have excellent schools in abundance in the country of their birth. As to the Irish, the oppression of the British Government deprives many of them of a book-education; but their general vivacity, activity, wit and intelligence, is proverbial. No battle has yet been fought in the cause of the Union, in which Irish and German blood has not been freely and nobly shed for the good of the whole country. The deeds of those who went to battle and imperiled their lives in our country’s cause, under the skillful Sigel and the dashing Meagher, will be imperishable in history. The rash and imprudent statements of such speakers will do more damage than good to the cause of their race. The Union men of this State have a pretty heavy task before them already; they are sacrificing their dearest friendships in order to assist in saving the Union and giving freedom to the colored race. If the colored men are not satisfied with the efforts we are making towards general emancipation, but insist upon thrusting other issues and obstacles in our path, they may find all our efforts in vain. But let us see what principles they adopt where they have the power. On the 26th day of July, 1847, the people of the
