and formal consent. I am anxious that dramatic authors should receive protection, because I consider a good acting play to be one of the most difficult and most admirable of all literary efforts. It is not only a vehicle for poetry of the highest order, but it discloses the secrets of the human breast, presents us with characters moulded from the lips, awakens the most generous feelings, inculcates the most lofty sentiments, and produces its effect upon numerous bodies of men in the most direct, immediate, and electric manner. Comedy shows us the ridicule of our follies and foibles. Tragedy pierces into the cell of the passions, and awakens our admiration for the sublimities of virtue and our abhorrence of the enormities of vice. Dramas are not only the mirror of the age, but may be schools of morality. Of what British literature have we more reason to be proud than the works of our dramatic writers? Are we not the countrymen of Shakspeare? and was he not succeeded by a long train of worthies, Massinger, Ben Johnson, Ford, Rowe, Otway? And if the obstacles of which I have alluded have, of late years, discouraged the drama, have we not still amongst us a Talfourd, a Lytton Bulwer, a Sheridan Knowles, and would not others arise, with proper encouragement, who would wake the tragic muse from her trance, and renew the triumphs of the British stage? May we not, therefore, justly call upon the Legislature to improve the laws which affect the dramatic literature of this country?
Sir James Graham had not heard the whole of the speech of his noble Friend, and he must also candidly state that he had not directed his attention to the subject under the consideration of the House. He would only remark, that although the noble Lord seemed to have devoted much attention to the subject, yet his information did not seem to have enabled the noble Lord to propose any specific alteration in the laws of the operation of which he complained. The noble Lord had stated that something must be done, but he was unable to collect the precise nature of the change which the noble Lord would wish to have carried into effect. Therefore, without pledging himself to any specific course, he would be most glad to enter into the consideration of any plan which the noble Lord might at any future time bring forward. At present he was not prepared for any discussion, but to the production of the papers, for which the noble Lord had moved, he had not the least objection.
Returns ordered.
Poland.] Mr. Gally Knight: In rising to bring forward the motion, of which I have given notice, I must begin by expressing my regret that the task has not fallen into abler hands than mine. I am fully sensible of my own inadequacy to do justice to so large and important a question; but, having long taken a deep interest in the destinies of Poland, and having, on former occasions, lifted up my voice in her behalf, I could not desert her now; and I throw myself on the indulgence of the House—an indulgence of which I always stand in need. I beg leave also to premise that, in thus coming forward, I take upon myself the whole responsibility of this motion. In this matter I am wholly unconnected with those I usually support; I come forward as an independent Member of this House to perform that part which is dictated to him by his own conscience and his own sense of duty. Neither do I come forward with any wish of keeping a sore open—of perpetuating a convenient annoyance; but rather for the sake of inducing Russia, if it may be, herself to close a sore, which, otherwise, must remain festering to her own great and lasting disadvantage. I stand more in need of the indulgence of the House, because I shall not have it in my power to relieve my discourse with any appeals to the passions, or any pungent denunciations. It is not my intention to heap invectives on a sovereign with whom this country is in alliance; my object is to assert a right, but not to give offence—to persuade, and not to irritate; and my belief is, that by adopting this course, I shall not only be acting in the most proper manner, but in that manner which is the most likely to lead to a practical and beneficial result. At the same time I feel persuaded that the sympathy which this House has ever felt for the Polish nation—that nation which at one time was the bulwark of Christendom—which at all times has been remarkable for talent and courage, and no less remarkable, I regret to say, for its great and unmerited misfortunes—will induce this House to listen with interest to any thing which relates to them, however imperfectly the statement
