and great numbers of the deadly enemies of reform, to be great. holders of slaves, the natural conclusion is, that their continuing to hold slaves cannot be good to the people of England."
The conversion came too late, for it was regarded, as I believe unjustly, as a means of recommending himself to the abolitionists in Manchester, whom he had offended. In commenting upon it, I said,—"What will the persons who have been hunting on the wrong scent say now, when the dictator of their opinions acknowledges the truth of what we have always asserted, that the burdens of our otherwise overtaxed people at home are grievously aggravated by the demands which are made upon us to support the system of slavery in our colonies? Will they deny now, what we have always asserted, that of the miserable earnings of the labourer in Connaught and the weaver of Lancashire, in considerable portion is taken in order to furnish the West India proprietors with the chain and scourge with which they keep their fellow men in bondage? * * * The abilities of a writer are one thing—the qualifications of a legislator another, and the fault of Mr. Cobbett—his utter want of discretion is a most serious disqualification where an instant reply may be made. * * * The truth is, Mr. Cobbett is too much under the influence of self-will to encounter practised and cunning debaters, and our conviction is, that after having been beaten or bathed by men whom he despises, and whom, probably, he has a right to despise as infinitely below him in intellect, but who, having facts at their finger's end are enabled to meet declamation with figures, he would either retire from the contest altogether, or satisfy himself with an occasional oration without waiting for discussion"
Soon after this the anti-slavery cause received an impulse in Manchester which operated further unfavourably on Mr. Cobbett's claims to its representation. On the 18th
