no reform, now declared that the country, under the Corn Law, was the best country in the world for a poor man. The former declaration helped to carry the Reform Bill, the latter to hasten the repeal of the landlords' monopoly. The Duke of Richmond, in like manner, helped the cause which he was bitterly opposing. He said: "As to the proximate ministry turning round and refusing protection—if they did so, then he said, in the name of the agricultural interest, that they would turn out the new ministry also." The expectant physician, reserving his prescription until he was regularly "called in,"—the expectant minister must have boiled with indignation when he was thus told that he must be the mere servant and tool of the least enlightened part of the aristocracy, or be turned out at their bidding. The Earl of Ripon, (Cobbett's "Prosperity Robinson,") after complaining bitterly of the calumnies of the League, uttered against all who were in favour of protection, showing that its truths had been felt and feared, moved an amendment which expressed the alarm of Parliament at the continued excess of expenditure over income, promised careful consideration of the interests recommended to the house, but declared that nothing could be done while the government did not possess the confidence of the country, and that her Majesty's present ministers did not possess the confidence of the house or of the country. Lord Melbourne, roused from his usual indifference by the attacks upon the administration of which he was the head, gave utterance to some bold truths. He had formerly said it was madness to think of repealing the Corn Laws. Probably in allusion to that inconsiderate declaration he now said: "I have certainly been, on former occasions, for putting off the agitation and discussion of this question, which, whenever it came on, I knew must be attended with inconvenient circumstances, but I always knew that it must come. I always knew that it was not to be avoided. I always knew that it was entirely a
