shall at once be safe and satisfactory. Let us hope that other just and necessary measures will be proposed, though not mentioned in the speech. We are willing to believe that, if there be any backwardness on the part of ministers to originate broad and extensive reforms, it arises from their fears of obstruction in the House of Lords. If this be the case, it is the duty of the people to support them, not only in carrying such beneficial measures as they may introduce, but, by the demand for further relief, to remove from them the charge of attempting more than the people desire to obtain. Let them be strengthened against the grasping landowners by petitions for the repeal of the Corn Laws. Let them be told that we, in the manufacturing districts, are quite willing to give such encouragement to the agricultural interests as may be effected by taking the duty off malt. Let them have a reason for abolishing all useless places and unmerited pensions, by the demand for the repeal of the Assessed Taxes. Let them be enabled to effect a thorough Church reform, by a contradiction of the Duke of Wellington's assertion that the people of England do not complain of tithes. Let them silence other conservatives who say that reform has already been too extensive, by petitioning for the ballot and for short parliaments. Let no man be afraid of embarrassing the ministry by such demands. If honestly determined to introduce cheap and good government, it will be strengthened rather than weakened by an universal call for those practical reforms which the country expects to follow the measure that they have had the merit of originating, and, aided by the people, of carrying, in spite of borough-mongering and aristocratical influence."
It will be seen that the cry of "Do not embarrass the ministry" had been already raised. It was found exceedingly effective in repressing the impatience of those who had thought that the Reform Bill was but an instrument for the attainment of other necessary reforms. Under the
