Page:History of the United States of America, Spencer, v1.djvu/292

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268
ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST.
[Bk. II.

and strongly advocated the repeal of the Stamp Act.

"It is a long time, Mr. Speaker," he said, "since I have attended in Parliament when the resolution was taken in this House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If 1 could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor to have borne my testimony against it. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legislature whatsoever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power; and taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. The concurrence of the peers and of the crown is necessary only as a form of law. This House represents the commons of Great Britain. When in this House we give and grant, therefore, we give and grant what is our own; but can we give and grant the property of the commons of America? It is an absurdity in terms. There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by whom? The idea of virtual representation is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of man; it does not deserve a serious refutation. The commons in America, represented in their several Assemblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their own money; they would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time this kingdom has ever possessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The colonies acknowledge your authority in all things, with the sole exception that you shall not take their money out of their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the line—quam ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum."

A profound silence succeeded these words, and for a time no one seemed disposed to advocate the cause of the late ministry. At length, Grenville[1] himself, a man of no mean powers, rose and said: "protection and obedience are reciprocal; Great Britain protects America, America is therefore bound to yield obedience. If not, tell me when were the Americans emancipated?" Looking significantly at Mr Pitt, he exclaimed, "The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house! Gentlemen are careless what they say, provided it serves the purposes of opposition. We were told we trod on tender ground; we were bid to expect disobedience: what is this but telling America to

  1. Grenville was the brother-in-law of Pitt, and received at his hands a sobriquet that annoyed him not a little. On one occasion, in the course of debate, he had called on the gentleman opposite to him to say where an additional tax could be laid. "Let them tell me where," he repeated, fretfully. 'I say sir, let them tell me where. I repeat it, sir, I am entitled to say to them, tell me where." Pitt, who was in the House that evening, in a whining tone, resembling Grenville's, hummed a line of a well-known song, "Gentle shepherd, tell me where." Grenville was in a rage, but the House laughed heartily. The nickname, Gentle Shepherd, stuck to him, and it was long before it was forgotten.