Page:Home rule (Beesly).djvu/12

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12

which can be worth anything: either a readiness on our part to reconquer Ireland, or a readiness to cast her off; and of these, the latter has the advantage in respect of justice, cheapness, ease, rapidity, and, in my opinion, efficacity.

How humiliating is the position now of an English minister in negotiation with Mr. Parnell. The latter, as in duty bound, resents every guarantee as an indignity, haggles over every penny of money, treats every restriction as a rag of the old tyranny, and after all—reasonably enough—points out his inability to pledge his successors to be satisfied with the concessions made now. The minister cannot threaten coercion, for the weapon has broken in his hand, and no coercion is of any use unless it is carried to a point which public opinion here is not prepared to tolerate. What a novel and inspiriting sensation of strength would he experience if he could meet every unreasonable demand or unfulfilled obligation with the threat, not of doing something, but of ceasing to do something. Get us into no scrapes with foreign powers or we dissolve partnership; pay up your Federal contribution, or we cut you adrift; vote additional supplies for this war and call out your militia, as we are doing, or we shall leave you to make the best terms you can with the enemy; boycott our goods, and we shall boycott yours. What refreshing language this would be!

As long as our demands were reasonable and fair in themselves, enlightened self-interest would ensure their acceptance. Just consider what disruption of the Union would then mean for Ireland. Where could she raise a loan except in England? Where could she send her produce except to England? Where could an Irish joint stock company be floated except in London? Irishmen in our army or navy or civil service, Irish clergymen, doctors and lawyers residing in England, would they like to be called on to opt between English and Irish nationality? How would Irishmen get on abroad without the protection of English ambassadors and consuls? Would they, the poorest nation in Europe, like to go to the expense of setting up a separate army, navy, and diplo-