Liberal Hobson naturally cannot see the forces acting directly against imperialism in general and opportunism in particular.
The German opportunist, Gerhard Hildebrand, who in his day was expelled the Party for defending imperialism, and would to-day make an excellent leader for the so-called "Social-Democratic" Party of Germany, completes Hobson's theory by giving his blessing to the formation of a "United States of Western Europe" (without Russia) for "joint action against . . . the African negroes, the "great Islamic movement"; for the "upkeep of a powerful army and navy against the Chino-Japanese coalition."87
The description of British Imperialism in Schulze-Gaevernitz's book shows us the same parasitical traits. The national income of Great Britain approximately doubled from 1865 to 1898, while the income "coming from abroad" increased nine times in the same period. If the "education of the negro for work" (an education which cannot do without compulsion) is a merit of imperialism, then the "danger" of imperialism is that "Europe will shift the burden of physical toil—first agricultural and mining, then of heavy industry—on to the black races, and will remain itself at leisure in the occupation of bondholder, thus perhaps paving the way for the economic and, later, the political emancipation of the coloured races."
An increasing proportion of land is being taken away from agriculture in Britain for sport, the diversion of the rich. It is said of Scotland—the most aristocratic meeting place for hunting and for sport—that it "lives on its past and on Mr. Carnegie." Britain annually spends £14,000,000
