from natural causes; and that they are evitable and not inevitable.
An opinion "that nature makes kings or nobles" has been the creed of political fatalists, from the commencement of the sect; and confronts its rival creed "that liberty and slavery are regulated by political law." However lightly Mr. Adams may speak of Filmer, it is an opinion in which they are associated, and it is selected for discussion, because by its truth or falsehood, the folly or wisdom of the policy of the United States is determined.
In the prosecution of these objects, frequent use will be made of the word "aristocracy," because the ideas at present attached to it, malic it more significant than any other.
Mr. Adams rears his system upon two assertions: "That there are only three general forms of government; monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, of which all other forms are mixtures; and that every society naturally produces an order of men, which it is impossible to confine to an equality of rights." Political power in one man, without division or responsibility, is monarchy; the same power in a few, is aristocracy; and the same power in the whole nation, is democracy. And the resemblance of our system of government to either of these forms, depends upon the resemblance of a president or a governor to a monarch; of an American senate, to an hereditary order; and of a house of representatives, to a legislating nation.
Upon this threefold resemblance Mr. Adams has seized, to bring the political system of America within the pale of the English system of checks and balances, by following the analysis of antiquity; and in obedience to that authority, by modifying our temporary, elective, responsible governors, into monarchs; our senates into aristocratical orders; and our representatives, into a nation personally exercising the functions of government.
Whether the terms "monarchy, aristocracy and democracy," or the one, the few, and the many, are only numerical; or characteristic, like the calyx, petal and stamin
