inimical interests, are universally to be considered as the
prelude to monarchy. And whether they will terminate in
a limited or absolute monarchy are the events to be calculated. The probability of either is only to be inferred from
experience. And the evidence of experience is found, by
counting the cases wherein orders or separate legal interests, have resulted in absolute despotism or limited monarchy. The catalogue of the first class, is almost coequal with the number of governments, which have ever existed; and one case exists, or in its purity has existed, according to Mr. Adams, of the other.
This is the adventure, upon which American commerce is embarking her freedom and prosperity. By favouring the English paper system, she endeavours to introduce separate and inimical interests ; these will beget monarchy; there is a thousand to one, that this monarchy will be absolute, even supposing that one case does exist, wherein orders have protected liberty by checking monarchy. If no such case exists, she exchanges her freedom and prosperity for slavery; if it does, she takes the chance of one against a thousand, of exchanging it for limited monarchy, in preference to a free republick.
But commerce will exclaim that she is an enemy to orders or separate interests, that she is a republican, and in favour of equal rights and privileges. We shall believe her if she unites in the expulsion of a separate interest; but if she craftily turns her eyes from the quarter, on which it is advancing, however vociferously she may call our attention to a feint, she will be suspected of a confederacy with the enemy.
Nobility and hierarchy are not the only modes of constituting orders, proper for fomenting national discontent, and introducing monarchy. If it is true, as Mr. Adams asserts, and as all mankind allow, "that wealth, is the great machine for governing the world." Hence wealth, like suffrage, must be considerably distributed, to sustain a democratick republick; and hence, whatever draws a conside-
