sidered a work of supererogation to cite further authorities to prove how ardently Americans concurred. However, a few American instances may be briefly quoted, to show the complete parallel of thought between the greatest English lovers of Liberty and the whole body of American freemen.
The Stamp Act Congress of 1765 declared: "That his Majesty's liege subjects in these Colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects within the Kingdom of Great Britain. This is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen—that no taxes be imposed upon them, but with their own consent. * * * That all supplies to the Crown, being free gifts from the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with principles and spirit of the British Constitution for the people of Great Britain to grant to his Majesty the property of the Colonists."
Of course, as Lord Chatham so accurately pointed out: "The idea of virtual representation of America in this House, is the most contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of man. It does not deserve a serious refutation."
So that we have the constantly recurring thought that mediate assent through representation must not be so fanciful that it interferes with the consent being real.
The greatest thinker among those dealing with these great questions,—Benjamin Franklin,—put this most clearly, when summoned before the British Parliament to explain the Colonists' viewpoint: "Their money ought not to be given away, without consent, by persons at a distance, unacquainted with their circumstances and abilities." And he pointed out that this
