war, and the ſenate petitioned the ambaſſador from Peterſburg, not to withdraw the Ruſſian troops. The royal troops, aided by the Ruſſians, whoſe diſcipline was ſuperior, were in favour of religious liberty. The Confederates, ſecretly encouraged by Auſtria, aſſiſted by the Turks, and ſupplied with money and officers by the French, were able to protract hoſtilities from 1768 to 1772: during this period the attempt was made to aſſaſſinate the king.
Count Pulaſki, who was killed in the ſervice of the United States, is ſaid to have planned an enterprize ſo much to his diſhonour. No good cauſe ever was, or ever will be, ſerved by aſſaſſination; and this is happily, in the preſent age, the univerſal ſenſe of mankind. If a Papal nuncio was found in Poland, capable of bleſſing the weapons of conſpirators againſt this tolerant king, he was a monſter, whoſe bloody bigotry the liberal ſpirit of the Pope himſelf muſt, at this enlightened period, abominate. The king did himſelf immortal honour, by his interceſſion with the diet to remit the tortures and horrid cruelties decreed by the laws of moſt kingdoms in Europe againſt treaſon, and by his moderation towards all the conſpirators.
We are now arrived at the conſummation of all panegyrics upon a ſovereignty in a ſingle aſſembly—the Partition.
Pruſſia was formerly in a ſtate of vaſſalage to this republic; Ruſſia once ſaw its capital and throne poſſeſſed by the Poles; and Auſtria was indebted to John Sobieſki, a ſovereign of this country, for compelling the Turks to raiſe the ſiege of Vienna, but a century ago. A republic ſo lately the protector of its neighbours, would not, without the moſt palpable imperfections in
