than Hobbes, Mandeville, Rochefoucault, Machiavel, Beccaria, Rouſſeau, De Lolme, or even than our friend Dr. Price. He candidly ſuppoſes that the firſt kingly government will be wiſely and honeſtly adminiſtered, during the life of the father of his people; that the firſt ariſtocracy will be conducted with caution and moderation, by the band of patriots to whom is due the glory of the expulſion of the tyrant; and that the people, for a generation at leaſt, who have depoſed the oligarchy, will behave with decorum.
But perhaps it might be more exactly true and natural to ſay, that the king, the ariſtocracy, and the people, as ſoon as ever they felt themſelves ſecure in the poſſeſſion of their power, would begin to abuſe it.
In Mr. Turgot's ſingle aſſembly, thoſe who ſhould think themſelves moſt diſtinguiſhed by blood and education, as well as fortune, would be moſt ambitious; and if they found an oppoſition among their conſtituents to their elections, would immediately have recourſe to entertainments, ſecret intrigues, and every popular art, and even to bribes, to increaſe their parties. This would oblige their competitors, though they might be infinitely better men, either to give up their pretenſions, or to imitate theſe dangerous practices. There is a natural and unchangeable inconvenience in all popular elections. There are always competitions, and the candidates have often merits nearly equal. The virtuous and independent electors are often divided: this naturally cauſes too much attention to the moſt profligate and unprincipled, who will ſell or give, away their votes for other conſiderations than wiſdom and virtue. So that he who has the deepeſt purſe, or the feweſt ſcruples about uſing it, will generally prevail.
