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between the spheres of activity of the Government and the Lantdag. The chief of [the Government, Mr. Svinhufvud, had, however, expressly emphasised, when he assumed office, that the ability of the Government to carry out any work at all would, of course, be subject to its obtaining such rights as pertain to the Government of a country. As such he mentions amongst other things the right of bringing in Bills before the Lantdag and of nominating certain higher officials. However, the Labour Party, of course, made an extensive use of the possibilities for opposition which the obscurity with regard to the competence of the Government and the Parliament gave rise to. Everything the Government did without asking leave of the Lantdag was at once branded as an attempt at a State stroke. Even such measures as a resolution to alter the size of the copper coins was an "attempt at a State stroke."
By such means the Labour Party had succeeded in making the masses believe that the Government, and the majority in the Lantdag upon which it leaned, consisted of a collection of black reactionaries who abused their power in a shameful manner—a power which had been treacherously wrenched from the people. Measures displeasing to the Labour Party now followed in rapid succession. At the beginning of January a Bill was brought in by A. Mikkola and others, concerning the re-establishment of the country's army, and it was eagerly supported by the bourgeois groups. There was nothing singular in this—a new-born State in the critical position of Finland absolutely needed an army, however small, in order to support her first tottering steps towards liberty. The Labour Party, however, did what they could to stop the Bill. Furthermore, a parliamentary committee were working at a proposal for the reorganisation of the police, which it had been attempted to make
