Sieyès preferred to stand for the Third Estate at Paris,
where he was elected last of all the candidates. One of
his preliminary tracts circulated in 30,000 copies, and
had promptly made him famous, for it was as rich in consequences as the ninety-five theses of Wittenberg. His
philosophy of history consisted in one idea. Barbarians
had come down from Germany on the people of civilised
and imperial Gaul, and had subjugated and robbed them,
and the descendants of the invading race were now the
feudal nobles, who still held power and profit, and
continued to oppress the natives. This identification of
privileged noble with conquering Frank was of older
date; and in this century it has been made the master-key to modern history. When Thierry discovered the secret
of our national development in the remarks of Wamba
the Witless to Gurth, under the Sherwood oaks, he applied
to us a formula familiar to his countrymen; and Guizot
always defined French history as a perpetual struggle
between hostile nations until the eighteenth century made
good the wrong that was done in the fifth.
Right or wrong, the theory of Sieyes was adopted by his most learned successors, and must not be imputed to ignorance. His argument is that the real nation consisted of the mass of men enjoying no privilege, and that they had a claim for compensation and reprisal against those who had been privileged to oppress and to despoil them. The Third Estate was equal to the three Estates together, for the others had no right to be represented. As power exercised otherwise than by consent, power that does not emanate from those for whose use it exists, is a usurpation, the two first orders must be regarded as wrongdoers. They ought to be repressed, and the means of doing harm taken from them.
Although Sieyès neither wrote well nor spoke well, yet within a fortnight of his maiden speech he had vanquished the ancient order of things in France. The Court, the Church and the Noblesse had gone down before the imposing coherence of his ideas. He soon lost confidence in the Assembly, as it fell under the control
