the road to penal servitude in Siberia rather than the road leading to ministerial portfolios in bourgeois governments. The revolution, which overthrew Czarism and established the democratic republic, subjected the party to a new and tremendous test; the party rejected all temporizing with "its own" imperialists, but prepared their overthrow and did overthrow them. Having taken over the political power, not the smallest fragment was left, either of the property of the landlords or of the capitalists. After publishing and repudiating the secret treaties of the imperialists, this party proposed peace to all the peoples, and yielded to the Brest plunderers only after the Anglo-French imperialists had caused our peace proposals to miscarry, and after the Bolsheviks had done everything humanly possible to hasten the revolution in Germany and other countries. That such a compromise made by such a party in such a situation was absolutely correct, becomes clearer and more self-evident to everyone from day to day.
The Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries in Russia (like the leaders of the Second International in 1914-20 the world over) began their betrayal by justifying the "defence of the Fatherland," that is, the defence of their marauding bourgeoisie. They continued their betrayal by entering into a coalition with the bourgeoisie against the revolutionary proletariat of their country. Their bloc, first with Kerensky and the Cadets (Constitutional Democrats), then with Koltchak and Denikin in Russia, like the bloc of their confrères abroad with the bourgeoisie of their respective countries, was the bridge which led them to alliances with the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. Their compromise with the bandits of imperialism consisted from beginning to end in their willing participation in imperialist robbery.
