propositions. The danger deepened; Spain joined herself with France and America; the Irish volunteers appeared in arms. Then, in 1779, the restrictions on Irish trade, of which the partial withdrawal had been refused the year before, were withdrawn altogether. But the irritation of his constituents at his supporting this withdrawal, and at his supporting a measure of relief to Catholics, cost Burke his seat at Bristol. Meanwhile, the Irish Parliament proceeded in establishing its independence of that of Great Britain. Irish affairs were controlled by Irish legislators; the penal laws were relaxed, the Catholics admitted to the franchise, though not to Parliament. The English Government had to govern Ireland through the Irish Legislature. But it persisted on leaning upon that party in the Irish Legislature,—a Protestant Legislature, no doubt, but containing such patriotic and liberal Protestants as Grattan,—it persisted on leaning upon that party which represented Protestant ascendency and the rule of the grantees of confiscation in its worst form. In 1789 came the French Revolution. To remove the disabilities under which the Catholics of Ireland still lay was a measure which commended itself to all the best politicians at that time. The English Government sent, in 1795, Burke's friend, Lord Fitzwilliam, as Viceroy to Ireland. Lord Fitzwilliam was the declared friend of Catholic emancipation. It seemed on the point of being granted, when the Irish Protestant junto, as Burke calls it, prevailed with Mr. Pitt, and Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled. In 1797 Burke died,
