ours. But in every instance where they shall enter our territory with inimical or hostile intentions they should be treated as common enemies. I believe that any interference in the revolutions and distractions of Mexico is not only incompatible with the dignity and interests of Texas but directly calculated to exasperate our national enemy, while it weakens our resources by sacrificing those of our citizens who may engage in their partisan quarrels to their proverbial perfidy and to certain destruction. This is demonstrated by the issue of every enterprise of the kind in which our countrymen have been participants. The feuds and contests which have arisen, and may continue to arise, have for their object personal aggrandizement; the leaders in which are better entitled to the appellation of bandits than of either patriots or statesmen. These individuals have no exalted principles of action, and should receive no encouragement from us. The Executive, therefore, should be fully empowered to arrest and prevent the predatory warfare occasionally carried on within our territories, to the injury of our Western settlers.
It is my desire that this Government should assume a station in relation to this subject not inconsistent with national respectability, and conducive to our best interests. Mexico has more to lose in a contest with Texas than Texas has with Mexico. Her civil commotions will exhaust her resources and diminish her means of aggression; while emigration to Texas will give us population and resources, and they will give us power to resist aggression.
Our Indian relations are far from being satisfactory. For years large appropriations have been made by Congress for the defence of the frontiers. With what success ihey have been employed the whole country is familiar. The measures adopted under the late administration were directly at variance with those recommended by the first constitutional Executive. On the safety and security of our frontier settlements materially depend the increase of emigration, the extension of our limits, and the general quietude and prosperity of all our citizens. It is, therefore, important that means should be provided for the Executive and placed at his disposal, to enable him to accomplish these objects, and to meet pressing emergencies. That they are within our reach I have no doubt. A thorough knowledge of the Indian character has induced a firm belief on my part that a sum less than one-fourth of the amount heretofore annually expended for these purposes would procure and maintain peace with all the Indian tribes now upon our borders. I would suggest that a number of posts be established at suitable points, extending from our western border to Red River; that treaties be concluded with the several tribes, and that one or more traders be established, under proper regulations, at each of these posts, with from twenty-five to thirty men for their protection. I do not doubt that this system, once established, would conciliate the Indians, open a lucrative commerce with them, and bring continued peace to our entire frontier. Their intercourse with us would enable them to obtain articles of convenience and comfort which they could not otherwise procure, unless by a very indirect trade with more remote tribes who have commerce with traders of the United States. Finding a disposition on our own part to treat them fairly and justly, and dreading a loss of the advantages and facilities of trade, they would be powerfully affected, both by feelings of confidence and motives of interest, to preserve peace and maintain good faith. The hope of obtaining peace by means of war has, hitherto, pruved utterly fallacious. It is better calculated to irritate than to
