mot in the following February, by the Marquis of Lansdowne in the House of Lords, and Mr. Brougham in the House of Commons.
In the discussion upon the speech from the throne, at the opening- of the session, the Marquis observed, in the House of Lords, in commenting upon that part of it relating to the non-recognition of the Spanish-American States in terms of disapproval:
"But if we had been tardy, it was a satisfaction to find that America had, on this occasion, taken that decisive step which so well became its character and its interest. As that important decision was of the utmost consequence to every portion of the world where freedom was valued, he could not grudge to the United States the glory of having thus early thrown her shield over those struggles for freedom which were so important, not merely to America herself, but to the whole world." . . . . " Let their Lordships look to what had happened in the United States. There a population of three millions had, in the course of forty years, been increased to ten millions."
In the House of Commons, during the same day and in the same discussion, Mr, [now Lord] Brougham, remarked:
"The Holy Alliance! [A cry of ' Hear! '] What, was this designation ot these sovereigns doubted? Why, it was not his, but that which they had given themselves. There was but one view that could be taken of that league of conspirators and of the motives of their alliance.". . . .
"The question, however, with regard to South America, he believed was now disposed of, or nearly so; for an event had recently happened than which no event had ever dispersed greater joy, exultation, and gratitude over all the freemen in Europe—an event in which he, as an Englishman, connected by ties of blood and language with America, took peculiar satisfaction. An event, he repeated, had happened, which was decisive on that subject; and that event was the message of the President of the United States to Congress. The line of policy which that message disclosed became a great and independent nation; and he hoped his Majesty's Ministers would be prevented by no mean pride or paltry jealousy from following so noble and illustrious an example. He trusted that as the United States had had the glory of setting, we should have the good taste to follow the example of holding fast by free institutions, and of assisting our brother freemen, in whatever part of the globe they should be found, in placing bounds to that impious alliance which, if it ever succeeded in bringing down the Old World to its own degraded level, would not hesitate to attempt to master the New World too."
Mr. Canning, the Premier, in reply, stated that—
"In some of the principles laid down in the message of the President of the United States he entirely agreed; and he might be permitted to say that, long before the message went forth, it was distinctly admitted in the State Papers of Great Britain that the question between the mother country and the colonies was not a fit subject for foreign interference; but he did not agree in the principle that the parent State had not a right, if she could, to recover her own colonial dominions." [Mr. Brougham motioned that such a principle was not laid down.] "Mr. Canning, continuing. In the paper to which the honorable and learned gentleman referred, there was a passage which many individuals construed in that way, and he certainly understood the honorable and learned gen-
