in the present state of things; it would bring about
immediate revolution. The patriots, who, at the close of
the last century, as well as those who in the years 1821
and 1848, risked and lost their lives and property in
the attempt to prepare a happier future for their native
land, have still descendants, spiritual disciples, ready
to follow their example—when the hour arrives. The
existing state of affairs is intolerable to every
right-minded man. People endeavor to represent things in
Naples as better than they are, and to suppress all
expression, and all revelations of the truth. While the
well-intentioned Minister of Police, dreams about il
ben vivere sociale, the Police of Naples are precisely
its very worst bandits. “For my part,” so concluded
the speaker, “as I cannot say any thing good about
the government of my country, neither can do any
thing to help its unfortunate condition, I consider it
my duty to say as much bad about it as possible!
That may possibly lead to good results.”
A great deal is said about the Italian bravado in words, especially the Neapolitans, but it is a fact, that none of the Italian states furnished so many political victims for the common fatherland as the kingdom of Naples. It was in the valleys of Calabria, that the society of the Carbonari, who attempted the revolution of 1821, had its rise. The noblest of the Neapolitan families took part in the struggle of 1848. A great number of nobles, learned men and priests have occupied its prisons ever since. Naples, more than any other Italian state, consists of two classes, an aristocracy which is wealthy, possessed of much culture and patriotism with a strong feeling for liberty, and a peo-
