spect would occasionally burst out in an unpremeditated, unstudied, and unguarded way, as when, at this same period, while the Missouri struggle was going on in all its fury, he complimented the new South American republics for having emancipated their slaves. But the same man would advocate “with great force,” and “in a speech of considerable length,” a bill to facilitate the catching of “fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters.” He would in the Missouri struggle “go with his section” in doing what could be done at the time to secure the foothold of slavery in new states, and thus to facilitate the growth of its power. It is a remarkable circumstance at the same time that none of the speeches he made on the pro-slavery side, although they were mentioned in the record of the debates, were reported, even in short outline. Did he suppress them? Did he dislike to see such arguments in print coupled with his name? We do not know. We shall find more such puzzles in his career.
At the close of the session in May, 1820, Clay announced to the House that he found himself obliged to retire from public life for some time. He had formed that resolution on account of the embarrassed condition of his private affairs. He had lost a large sum of money by indorsing the obligations of a friend, and there was a rumor also, whether true or not, that he had suffered heavily at play. At any rate, his necessities must have been pressing, for he strenuously urged with the
