and mulattoes among their generals and legislators; which dreaded the possible recognition of the independence of Hayti as a demonstration showing the negro slaves in the Union what they might gain by rising in insurrection and killing their masters. This element of opposition was thoroughly in earnest. It had an unbending logic on its side. If slavery was to exist in the United States, it had to demand that not only the home policy, but also the foreign policy, of the Republic must be accommodated to the conditions of its existence.
The other element of the opposition consisted mainly of those who were determined to break down the administration in any event and at any cost. Their principal argument was that, notwithstanding the assurances given by the President, participation in the Panama Congress would lead the United States into entangling alliances; and if it did not do so at first, it would do so in its consequences. In the country, however, the Panama mission was popular. A grand Amphictyonic council of the American republics, held on the great isthmus of the continent, to proclaim the glories of free government to the world, pleased the fancy of the people. When public opinion seemed to become impatient at the interminable wrangle in Congress, the Senate voted down an adverse report of its Committee on Foreign Relations by twenty-four to nineteen, and confirmed the nominations for the Panama mission. In the House of Representatives another debate sprang up on the bill
