universal suffrage, and had then become an advocate of the extremest Democratic theories. He had been the finest pattern of the “baby-kissing” statesman, who, as one of his friends described him, “travels from county to county, from town to town, sees everybody, talks to everybody, comforts the disappointed, and flatters the expectant with hope of success.” He had, as the “Democratic Review” said in 1848, by “party centralization at Albany, controlling offices as well as safety bank-charters, presidents, cashiers, and directors in all the counties, formed machinery which set every man's face towards Albany, as a political Mecca,” and had thus “acquired his title to national honors.” He had been a Crawford manager, and had become a Jackson manager. As a member of Jackson's Cabinet, he had won the old hero's especial favor by supporting the cause of Mrs. Eaton; and Jackson selected him as his successor, employing all his tremendous energy in the advancement of the favorite. Every one knew that he owed the presidency solely to Jackson's power.
He was a man of scanty education, but of much native ability; smooth, affable, and good-humored; always on good personal terms with his political enemies. As President, he promised “to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jackson;” and his inaugural address contained, by the side of some well-worn generalities, but one positive declaration, that he would inflexibly oppose the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia against the
