for liberty and independence, had his liveliest sympathies. “But, sir,” he added, “for the sake of my country you must allow me to protest against the policy you propose to her.” As to the practical results of giving “material aid” to the Hungarian people in their struggle, he explained that war would probably be the consequence; that the United States could not carry on a land war on the European continent; that a maritime war would “result in mutual annoyance to commerce, but probably in little else;” that, “after effecting nothing in such a war, and after abandoning our ancient policy of amity and non-intervention in the affairs of other nations,” the American Republic would have justified European powers “in abandoning the terms of forbearance and non-interference” which they had so far preserved toward the United States; that, “after the downfall, perhaps, of the friends of liberal institutions in Europe, her despots, imitating and provoked by our fatal example,” might turn upon us in the hour of our weakness and exhaustion; and that, while “the indomitable spirit of the American people would be equal to the emergency,” yet the consequences might be terrible enough.
“You must allow me, sir [he continued], to speak thus freely, as I feel deeply, though my opinion may be of but little import as the expression of a dying man. Sir, the recent subversion of the republican government of France (by Louis Napoleon's coup d'état of the 2d of December, 1851), and that enlightened nation volun-
