Mein Kampf
its choice of weapons. It was nationalistic, but unfortunately not social enough to conquer the masses. Its anti-Semitism, however, rested upon a proper realization of the importance of the race problem, and not on religious concepts. On the other hand, the attack upon a particular religious persuasion was actually and practically wrong.
The Christian Socialist movement had vague ideas of the goal of a German renaissance, but was intelligent and fortunate in its choice of roads as a party. It realized the importance of the social question, was mistaken in its fight upon Jewry, and did not have any conception of the might of the national idea.
If in addition to its shrewd knowledge of the broad masses the Christian Socialist Party had adequately understood the importance of the race problem as the Pan-German movement had grasped it, and if finally the Party had been nationalistic; or if the Pan-German movement besides its true insight into the goal of the Jewish question and the meaning of the nationalist idea had adopted also the practical shrewdness of the Christian Socialist Party, and particularly the latter’s attitude toward Socialism, the result would have been the one movement which in my opinion might successfully have changed the Germans’ fate.
It lay chiefly in the nature of the Austrian State that this did not happen.
As my convictions were not realized in any other party, I could not afterward make up my mind to join or fight for one of the existing organizations. Even then I thought all the political movements were failures, incapable of carrying out a national renaissance of the German people on any large and not merely external scale.
My repugnance for the Hapsburg State kept growing. The more attention I began to pay to questions of foreign politics particularly, the more did my conviction gain ground that this State structure could only be the misfortune of Germanity. More and more clearly, too, I saw that not only the fate of the German nation was being decided from here, but within
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