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cepting honorary instalments into the order, but a time may come, when a change of dispositions would render these flattering} when a well directed distribution of them might draw into the order all the men of talents, of office and wealth, and in this case, would probably procure an ingraftment into the government ; that in this, they will be supported by their foreign members, and the wishes and influence of foreign courts ; that experience has shown that the hereditary branches of modern governments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative, and not of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they generally are : that besides these evils, which are remote, others may take place more immediately ; that a distinction is kept up between the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to obliterate ; that when the mem bers assemble they will be proposing to do something, and what that something may be, will depend on actual circumstances ; that being an organised body, under habits of subordination, the first obstruction to enterprise will be already surmounted ; that the moderation and virtue of a single character have probably prevented this Revolution from being closed as most others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish ; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his successors, may be led by false calculation into a less certain road to glory.
What are the sentiments of Congress on this subject, and what line they will pursue, can only be stated conjecturally. Congress, as a body, if left to themselves, will in my opinion say nothing on the subject. They may, however, be forced into a declaration by instructions from some of the States, or by other incidents. Their sentiments, if forced from them, w 7 ill be unfriendly to the institu tion. If permitted to pursue their own path, they will check it by side-blows whenever it comes in their way, and in competitions for office, on equal or nearly equal ground, will give silent preferences to those who are not of the fraternity. My reasons for thinking this are, 1. The grounds on which they lately declined the foreign order proposed to be conferred on some of our citizens. 2. The fourth of the fundamental articles of constitution for the new States. I enclose you the report ; it has been considered by Congress, re committed and reformed by a committee, according to sentiments expressed on other parts of it, but the principle referred to, having not been controverted at all, stands in this as in the original report ; it is not yet confirmed by Congress. 3. Private conversations on this subject with the members. Since the receipt of your letter I have taken occasion to extend these ; not, indeed, to the military members, because, being of the order, delicacy forbade it, but to the others pretty generally ; and among these, I have as yet found VOL. i. 29
