ject, too, to such of its statutes as are of a date prior to the first migration of our ancestors hither, and to the first foundation of our government, is what seems to be generally granted amongst those I have conversed with. But taxation is an act of government purely internal, in which (allowing us to be freemen) we conceive a British House of Commons and a Parliament of Paris have an equal right to intermeddle. We flatter ourselves with a notion, that though we be subjects of Great Britain, and, we hope, as loyal as any others (and perhaps not less useful), we yet are freemen. All our charters declare (which we are not conscious of having ever forfeited) that all British subjects dwelling and their children born here, shall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises and immunities to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England And if these charters have not been legally forfeited, as we trust they have not, are we not entitled to all the rights and liberties of Britons? If we be, we cannot, one would think, consistently with the principles of the British government, as ascertained in Magna, Charta, be taxable without our own consent. We also conceive that the consent of no freeholder in America hath been given, or can possibly be given, in any constitutional mode, either personally or vicariously, to the Act in question, or to any other Act of taxation; because, not a man of us, as possessor of American property, can, as was before observed, vote for a member, or himself become a member, in that august House, whence all money bills, as far as their jurisdiction extends, must take their rise. We, moreover, consider ourselves, if you will allow me the expression for want of a better, as a peculium of the Crown. By charters from the Crown, that company was incorporated which first planted us. By the
