we have diawl monosyll. § 34 ii < diab(o)lus, but pl. di|ef|yl[W 1] 3 syll. m.a. i 192a for *di̯efyl < diabolī.
After medial consonants u̯ and i̯ remained, as in W. pedw̯ar ‘four’ 63 vii (4);—W. celwydd ‘lie’ < *kalu̯íi̯o‑: Lat. calumnia < *calu̯omniā;—W. dedwydd ‘happy’ < *do-tu̯íi̯os: Lat. tuēri, tūtus, O. Icel. þȳða ‘friendship’, Goth. þiuþ ‘good’ noun, √teu̯ē(i̯)- (not √teu̯ā- ‘swell, increase’ according to Walde s. v. tueor);—W. pl. ending ‑i̯on § 121 i; verbal suffix ‑i- § 201 iii (6); see also iii (2) below.
(2) Between two consonants u̯ and i̥ had dropped in Brit.; thus W. garr ‘knee’ < *ganr- < *g̑ₑn(u̯)r- § 63 vii (4);—chwann-en < *sqond- < *s‑qon(i̯)d- ib.;—golchi < *u̯olk- < *u̯ol(i̯)qu̯- § 89 ii (2).—On ‑w̯- which came later between consonants in W., see § 42.
(3) Between i or i̥ and a consonant, u̥ dropped; as in chw̯ŷd ‘vomit’ < *spi(u̯)t‑, √spei̯eu̯- § 96 iv (1);—W. hoed ‘grief’, Ir. saeth < *sai̯(u̯)t‑: Lat. saevus (orig. ‘sore, sad’, see Walde s.v.);—W. oed ‘age’ < *ai̯(u̯)t‑: Lat. aetas, older aevitas. Hence while W. has final ‑yw, ‑oyw it has no ‑ywd, ‑oywd, ‑ywg, etc.
iii. (1) In Brit., in the diphthong ii̯ (ei̯, ai̯), when accented or following the accent, i̯ became a spirant probably like French j, which became ẟ, and appears so in W. Thus ‑íi̯os > ‑yẟ, ‑íi̯ā > ‑eẟ; ´‑ii̯- > ‑oeẟ § 75 iv. But the change did not take place in oi̯ or īi̯.
(2) The same change took place after l or r following the accent; thus ´li̯ > *lẟ > W. ll; and ´ri̯ > *rẟ ≡ W. rẟ. Examples: li̯: W. gallaf ‘I can’: Lith. galiù ‘I can’;—W. all- in all-fro ‘foreigner’, Gaul. Allo-broges < *ali̯o‑: Lat. alius, Gk. ἄλλος < *álios;—W. gwell ‘better’: Skr. várya‑ḥ ‘eligible’, várīyān ‘better’: O. E. wel, E. well, orig. ‘choice’, √u̯el- ‘wish’.—ri̯: W. arddaf ‘I plough’: Lith. ariù ‘I plough’, Goth. arjan ‘to plough’;—Pr. Kelt. Iu̯ér-i̯on‑, ‑iann- > W. Iwerddon ‘Ireland’, Ir. gen. Ērenn;—W. morddwyd ‘thigh’: O. H. G. muriot ‘thigh’;—W. hwrdd ‘a violent push’ < *spuri̯- (ur < u̯ₑr § 63 viii (1)) √sphu̯erē- ‘hurl, smite’ § 96 iv (1): Lith. spiriù ‘I kick’ (ir < ₑr § 63 iii); also possibly W. g‑ordd fem. ‘mallet’ (g- excrescent § 112 ii (2)), O. W. ord ox. 2, Bret. orz < *púri̯-ā ‘smiter’: Gk. σφῦρα ‘mallet’ < *σφυρι̯ᾱ; in that case Ir. ordd is from British (a not improbable borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i 22–4).
- ↑ Corrected on p. xxvii to: “di|e|fyl”
