Aona/w.M. 35, K.M. 23, S.G. 22, ohonof W.M. 104; ohonat R.M, 7, 8, s.o. 85, o fawo< W.M. 12, 169, ahonot do. 10, o honaud B.B. 86, ohonaurt B.T. 53, W.M. 159, C.M. 53 ; o honaw W.M. i, 12 ; o fawez K.M. 2, s.G. i, 89, o Aewez s.G. 12, o fora W.M. 3 ; o Jwnawch W.M. 7, ohonawch do. 13; ona&unt B.M. 145, 151, ohonunt W.M. 22, K.M. 151, K.B.B. 48, ohonun B.P. 1280, Mn. W. otwnun L.G.C. 318, onaddunt do. 462, onaddun Gr.O. 94.
In the 1 6th cent, o^ow- was often contracted to on- or hon-, as cyu adnabod dim honi G.R. [xiv] ' before knowing anything of it ' ; cf. E.P., PS. cv 1 6 ; onynt M.K. [59], ono-fo do. [60] ; later Os ymddifad onot it "Wms. 438 (printed ohonot, but the metre allows only 2 syll.) ' if destitute of thee '. Analogy has restored the full form, and the contraction survives only in mono/, monot, mono etc. for ddim ohonof, etc. ; thus ni welais mono for ni welais ddim ohono ' I have not seen anything of him', i. e. I have not seen him ; 170 v (2).
vii. (1) W. ar is for *war, O.W. guar CP., Bret, war, Corn, war < *uor for Kelt. *uer< Ar. *uper 65 v (3). The personal forms are made from an adverb *uor-na; for the suffix, cf. Lat. superne 220 i (3), and for the ending, supra. The pronoun stood in a case not affecting a in the sg. or pi., hence prob. ace. ; thus sg. i . amaf< *u6rname<*u6rna me; pi. i. arnam or arnann<*arnanni<* i u6rnansme<*uomd nsme (: Av. ahma, Gk. Lesb. a/t/ic 'us'); sg. 2. arnat<*uornd te; pi. 2. arnawch formed on the analogy of the verb ; sg. 3. m. arnaw is prob. a re-formation after the 3rd sg. -8aw 210 x (i); sg. 3. fern. ei-ni<*uornaslm<*uorna sim; arnei<*uomatnm 75 i (2) ; *&im is the ace. of *sl ' she '. The most probable explanation of the -8- in the 3rd pi., which also occurs in the 3rd sg. of other conjugations, is that it is the prep. *do ; this took the dative, orig. instr. ; the instr. pi. of the pron. *es was *eibhis (: Skr. instr. pi. ebhih) as in Ir. doib 'to them '<*<&> eibhis ; this would give *duv in W. ; v after u disappeared early, but if altered to 8 (8 . . . v > 8 . . .8) would remain longer ; hence W. arna8u(8)< *uornadoibi8< *uornd do eibhis or some such form ; arnaSunt has the -nt of the verb added; arnu, arnunt are probably later formations. The modern equivalent i of the prep. *do performs the same function as that assumed above for *do ; it is added to an adverb to make it a prep. ; thus tu yma i 'this side of 216 ii (4), heibio i 'past' 210 iii.
(2) at is the stem of the personal forms substituted for *ad, which may be from *ato<*ad-do, a compound of *ad and *do both denoting ' to '. The personal forms seem to be derived from an adverb *ato-ta ; thus ataf<*ad-daf<*dto-ta-mc; etc. as in (i).
(3) o din (adan, O.W. guotari) is formed from *uo- ' under ' 156 i (16) (o-/a-<*uo-/ua- 65 v (i)) and *-tana < *-t e na as in Lat. pro-tinus<*pro-t e nos : Lat. temis, V ten- 'stretch'; *uo-tand~me >o danaf, etc., as arnaf above; adv. o dano8<*uo-tana-dt (suff.
- -dhi or *-dhc 162 vi (2)). On the accent of oddn see 47 i ; oddn
>ddn; see also 51 vi.
