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404
Accidence
§ 210

x. (1) The -o- of the ist and 2nd pers. endings of this conjugation prob. represents the ending -o of the prep, in Brit. Although the thematic vowel -o was not a case ending in Ar. it was a common ending of adverbs and preps., e. g. *apo, *upo, *pro, and may have spread in Kelt. Hence perhaps *proko me > Brit. *rokome > W. (*rhogof), rhagof. For the 3rd pi. -Bunt see 209 vii(i); 3rd sg. -8i< *'-do-8i 75 ii (2), where ** is the instr. sg. of *sl 'she'. The 3rd sg. m. -Saw is difficult ; Ml. W. -8aw, and Bret, -zan, O.W. -dam ( = -Bav) seem to be two different reductions of *-8auv, in which au (aw) must be from *-ou- not from -a- (since dm > Bret, eun) ; botli *-8aw/and Corn, -iho may be from *-do-emi 75 ii (2); *e-mi, instr. in *-mi of *es ' he '.

(2) rhag < *prokos : Lat. reci-procus, procul < *procolos, dim. of *prokos; unacc. ok > ak in Brit. 65 ii (i) ; dialectal rhog, rhogBo, etc. < *prok-. The form before a noun seems to have ended in -ft causing the rad. initial : Brit. *rokos unacc. ; personal forms as above (i). The adv. raccw, racco ' yonder ' has a suffix *-hw or *-ho, prob. with loss of -nn (as yma ' here ' etc. 110 v (2)), for *-hwnn or *honn<*som-de or *som-da 'there' suff. *-d?ie or *-dha 162 vi (2), cf. hwnt 220 ii (5) ; thus Brit. *roko sonde ' in front there '>raccw. Initial r- was prob. first lost after consonants : y gwr racw > y gwr acw, y bryn racw > y bryn acw, *dracw > dacw, etc.

(3) heb ' (past) by, without ', Ir. sech id., Bret., Corn, heb ' without ' : Av. Jtaca ' away from ', O.Pers. hacd id. : Lat. secus, Skr. sdca ' at, in the presence of. These are believed to be all from Vseq*- 'follow ' ; e.g. Brugmann 2 II ii 894 ff. The development of the meaning in Kelt, and Iran, is not quite clear. In "W. heb with the vb. wyf means ' not having attained ' : yr wyf heb fy nghinio ' I have not had my dinner', perhaps <'*! am in pursuit of. This may explain the sense of ' lacking '. ' Past ' and ' away from ' may be from ' proceed- ing '. The adv. heibiaw (Bret, ebiou) seems to be a cpv. of the adj. *seq*os ; it might represent a loc. *seq*iosi 75 ii (2).

(4) yn l in'<*en, *eni and *en-do : Lat. in, O.Lat. en, Gk. ev, evi', etc. Although the last ends in -o, ynof, ynot, etc., cannot come directly from it, as they have only one -n- in lit. W. Ml. and Mn. They are prob. re-formations from yn on the analogy of rhagof, etc. The -d- in yndaw, etc. is due to provection of 8 after n, 11 1 vii (2).

(5) trwy ' through ', Ir. tri, ire, Bret, tre, dre. It causes lenition in W., Bret, and Ir., except in Ir. before the article. For the form in the last case Brugmann 2 II ii 900 gives *tres, comparing *pres in Gk. 7rpeo-/3i;s ; but as *pri, *prei existed beside *pres, so there were prob. *tri, *trei; these would account for the leniting forms. W. trwy < *trei ; trwy8u(nt) < *trei do eibhis. The ist and 2nd pers. forms and the adv. are analogical formations.

(6) tros 'over, across' is a weak form of traws 71 i (2), as in ar draws ' across '. It comes from a participial form *trans = Lat. trans < *trants. The 3rd pers.' trostaw, trosti, trostunK* trans do- ; the other persons and the adv. are analogical formations.