considered half an Austrian. He had removed the great obstacle to Italian independence, and then in his turn became the obstacle himself.
Here in England we need not make ourselves seriously uneasy about the progress of French influence in Italy. The more it is enforced—the more the spirit of the people will revolt against it. After so many centuries of oppression, it is not the object of the Italians to exchange yokes, but to have done with the yoke altogether. Besides, if they win their way to independence in any thorough manner, their future destiny is that of a great naval power in the Mediterranean, and their position, therefore, antagonistic to that of France. We have many a bloody page in our history which bears record of our folly in attempting to do for others that which they were perfectly ready to do for themselves. In Spain, in Germany, in Italy, after the invasions and successes of the First Napoleon, the very sound of the French language was abominable in the ears of the nations which he had reduced into submission, and plundered, and insulted in a hundred ways. The Italians will choose their own time for casting off the leading-strings; but that they will not rest until they have done so we may be sure.
In looking over the events of LastWeek we find the two great questions of European policy, and of the turn which affairs may take in the United States, to be still the only ones of great and permanent interest. What does it signify to our readers that Sir John Trelawny has again introduced his bill for the abolition of church-rates?—that Sir Richard Bethell’s “fragmentary” measure for the improvement of our bankruptcy laws has passed into committee ?—that Mr. Monckton Milnes has again brought forward in Parliament the proposition for legalising marriage with the sister of a deceased wife? These matters are, so to speak, the very bread and water of a parliamentary session. The point which is really remarkable is, that whilst other nations are struggling for national existence, or endeavouring to settle questions which our forefathers and fathers settled, as far as we are concerned, in the days of the Long Parliament, of the Great Revolution, and between 1829 and 1846, we find ourselves at liberty to deal with the smaller matters of legislation. The government of India, and the most efficient method of keeping that country in such a state of armed preparation that the sovereigns of Europe must be content to leave us in peace, are the only two great points of policy which remain for the consideration of the British people. Of course we must endeavour to reduce our taxation; of course we must examine into the working of our Poor Law, as Mr. Charles Villiers has proposed we should do; of course we must strain every nerve to educate the masses, and to admit them, not grudgingly, but in a free and liberal spirit, to their share of political power; of course we must endeavour to purge our Statute Book of irksome and antiquated laws; but such matters as these are the ordinary day-work of a nation. At the end of this century the British Islands and their dependencies should constitute the best governed—because the least governed— community of which there is record in history. No doubt our law of real property, the corporation of the City of London, and many difficulties of the like kind, still exist—but when these are all disposed of, little will remain at the beginning of a session for the Sovereign to ask of the Noble Peers and Faithful Commons but that they shall vote the supplies, pass the mutiny act, and depart each man to his house. The British people, however, will never stand in need of occupation with Australia and India as fields of enterprise, and with the sea and earth open to their ingenuity and industry.
It would be idle indeed at the end of this brief notice of the transactions of seven days to attempt any comment upon the great events which are now passing on the other side of the Atlantic Rather, since we have begun with the Italian question, let us confine our attention to it for this week. The key of the situation at the present moment lies in Hungary. The Hungarians seem disposed to impose their own terms upon the Austrian Emperor, and to hold him almost at their mercy. Another generation has grown up since the days when the Russian emperor rushed into the shambles to help his young Austrian friend. Children, who were then but six or seven years of age, are now capable of bearing arms. The nation appears disposed to treat face to face with the sovereign who represents to them the violated faith of Royalty. If they force his hand, the cause of Italian independence is won, and Italy is liberated at once from the leading-strings of France. It should never be forgotten that this result is due in large measure to that great man, who, starting from the little island of Caprera, not only won a kingdom, but did more, inasmuch as he proclaimed this principle in the ears of the continental sovereigns—that nations themselves were to take in hand the cause of their own regeneration. If the key of the “Italian difficulty” lies at the present moment in Hungary—and in a very handy way—this result is far more due to the imprudence of Garibaldi than to the diplomacy of Cavour. Since he proclaimed this principle, the Hungarians have called an emperor, and the Prussians a king, to account. They will no longer be led or driven against their will. Garibaldi has unloosed a force against which the discipline of trained armies, and the resources of cunning diplomatists will not avail in the long run. The mere announcement of it, illustrated by his own achievements in the Two Sicilies, has already lighted up an insurrection in Hungary, and even warmed the sluggish blood of the Prussians to a nobler life. Surely the name of Joseph Garibaldi will endure to future generations as amongst the noblest of his race.
Even whilst we write, it seems to be uncertain whether the Austrians will not take courage from their very despair, and cross their own frontier to seek the Italians, as they did in 1859. 11 so, the dynasty is lost. Louis Napoleon has already intimated to the Cabinet of Turin, that if Italy remains quiescent, and Austria commences the attack, the plains of Lombardy will once again be covered with French troops. On the other hand, if Francis Joseph declines the awful hazard of a last cast, empire is gradually slipping from his hands.