that this is owing to the form of government existing in the United States. An old man, strongly interested in both countries, having a cordial sympathy with the admirers of constitutional monarchy on the one hand, and of democratic republicanism on the other, while abiding by the former, as an Englishman should do, may be allowed to state what he has observed, and what he thinks, on a subject which must become more and more interesting to society as the tendency towards democratic modes of government (which no political philosopher disputes) becomes more pronounced.
The first idea which must strike everybody who attends to the subject is that, if elective government must necessarily embody the popular sentiment and opinion of the day, it must be unfavourable to international relations which are based on certain fixed principles and rules; principles and rules which it is the very object of international society to maintain, against the caprice, interest, or passion of individual States. It is natural that this should be the impression even of the sincere admirers of republican institutions, who are satisfied that popular self-government may in any event cope with the difficulties at home, and be trusted to deal with whatever may arise in the republic itself. Where the appeal to the national understanding and heart is complete and thorough, the national intelligence and conscience may, they think, be entrusted with the management of its own affairs—deciding for itself how far it is desirable to interpret and rule each present case by ancient principles and rules, and how far to modify and innovate as it proceeds. But in international relations a wholly different procedure is requisite. The great question is, whether a nation which has no governing class devoted to a political career can continuously act with other governments on equal terms, with the intelligence, learning, temper and manners which the vocation of diplomacy and the terms of alliance or international comity require. While, as I said, the question has been strangely neglected in works of political philosophy, there is, I believe, a very general impression, in European society at least, that this competency can hardly exist, and can scarcely be looked for. In the United States there is no evidence that it has ever been effectually discussed at all since the great Founders of the Republic passed away from the scene of their labours. Let us review briefly such facts as have occurred in our own time, and before our own eyes, bearing upon this question.
When we consider that the Dutch and Swiss republics, and the democratic government of Norway, which sports a king for ornament or convenience only, have not been particularly chargeable with aggressive tendencies, or with incapacity to live in peace and honour among the nations around them, we must suppose at once that American aggressiveness and impracticability may be owing to other causes than the democratic character of the national polity. If it is proved that the fact is so, the question will remain whether the popular self rule which exists in its broadest form there, would interfere with international intercourse, if there were no prior causes of disturbance.
First, for the facts in regard to the American case.
Nothing about the Americans surprises Europeans more than their being always on better terms with despotic than constitutional governments, and in heartier sympathy with subjected than with free nations. They themselves admit the fact; and some of their leading statesmen of the last generation have accounted to me for it, in conversation, in various ways. Mr. Clay told me, a quarter of a century since, that it was agreeable news in Washington when the tories came into power in England, and matter of silent vexation when they gave way to the whigs. He, who had negotiated the Treaty of Ghent, was qualified to speak on the subject, and he told me that the reason was that the tories were, from their long tenure of office, better men of business. He added that they had also better manners than the whigs, so that it was much easier to do business and to relish intercourse with them. Others accounted for the national predilection for despotic governments by saying that Americans who travel are, for the most part, scholarly men, with historical or political tastes, or men weary of political turmoil (if not disappointment) at home, and delighted to be where politics were the last thing talked about, and where the citizens seemed to them supremely happy in having that sort of business transacted for them, without any thought or care on their own part. Others, again, glanced at the traditional hostility to England, and sympathy with England's enemies, as accounting for part of the admiring friendship which travelled Americans avow at the great continental capitals. All this may be true; but I felt at the time, and have felt a hundred times since, that it does not account for more than a very small part of the case. It is abundantly evident that individuals from a young nation, living beyond sea, may be swayed in their preferences, during the period of travel, by sentiment, imagination, passion, historical memories, and a new set of social sensations; but these things are not a ground for a permanent political characteristic. It is very natural that the entrance of an American travelling party upon European soil should be such as happened a few years ago, when a group of them landed at Civita Vecchia, and proceeded at once to Rome. It happened to be at sunset on a lovely evening when these Sons and Daughters of the Pilgrims,—proud of their Puritan origin,-were summoned to alight from their carriage because the Pope was approaching. His Holiness was walking up the hill; and as he stopped on the ridge to look abroad over the landscape, the last rays of the sun shone upon his white garments, and the little cap he wore, and upon the benevolent smile with which he greeted the strangers. In an instant, they were not only all down on their knees, receiving his blessing, but convulsed with emotion, the tears raining down their cheeks. In all time to come, the most eminent Calvinistic pastor in Europe would have no chance with them beside Pio Nono. In the same way, Americans forget their republicanism under the slightest