tenure, is the dividing the land up into small holdings. Mr. George thinks this both impracticable and undesirable, as well as inefficient. Land can not be so divided, and even if it could, it is against those tendencies that are born of and grow with civilization. Machinery applied to agriculture makes cultivation on a large scale more economical than on a small one, and such holdings would interfere with the most advantageous occupancy of the land. The plan, however, has the cardinal objection that, unless every member of a community was a holder of land of equal productiveness, it would not abolish rent, and would therefore have no tendency toward an equitable division of the produce. There therefore remains only the plan of giving to every one equal rights to the whole land—the plan of making land common property.
Mr. George dismisses the claim of the landowners to compensation. If they were paid the market price for the land, industry would not be relieved, as the tax would remain in the form of interest on the purchase-money. Such an arrangement would, of course, prevent the further tax upon industry caused by the future increase of rent, but still the main burden would remain. Injustice, Mr. George thinks, has and can have no vested rights. If it be a wrong to deprive the landowners of their land without compensation, it is a greater wrong to take from industry to pay them for a value that industry has alone created. It is a conflict of claims, and the lesser claim must be the one disregarded. He points out that, tried by the common law, which through all the ages has been built up and elaborated by the dominant class, the landholders, they would not only get no recompense for their land, but none for their improvements; and, further, that they would be called to account for the returns received during the time the land was held. Mr. George is, however, satisfied to waive this, and be content with the resumption of the land by society.
In carrying out his project of making land common property, Mr. George would disturb as little as possible existing industrial, social, and political organization. He does not think that it is either necessary or desirable to effect his purpose directly. It can be done better and with less shock to accustomed feelings and habits, and with greater economy of means, indirectly. His plan is very simple. He would place all taxes upon land. He would leave the titles to land in the hands of individuals to buy and sell, to let and hold the same as now, but while leaving the shell he would take the kernel, by confiscating rent, We now take some rent in taxation; he would take it all. This would pay all government expenses, and would increase rapidly enough to meet them as they increase, and to perhaps leave a surplus. Such an arrangement would result in an enormous simplification of government. It would take no more labor to collect land-taxes then than now, while all the cumbrous institutions now in use—custom-houses, internal revenue service, etc.—with their vast and demoralizing influence on political life and their prodigal waste, would be abolished.
