than statistics, he has undertaken to make an analysis of the salient political and industrial evils of our time, and to measure by fundamental rules the departure, in some of our governmental and industrial methods, from those principles. Such a purpose, it may be observed, implies considerably more than a superficial view of the labor and other questions "of the day," and regard to measures more abiding than the usual makeshift expedients. Whoever reads the book may not agree with the author, but he will have taken in that which will promote thought. Industrial liberty is defined to consist "in the freedom of each individual citizen, guarded by such delegated authority contributed by each as is necessary to preserve this individual freedom equally to each; and this liberty includes the freedom of each individual citizen to contract, and the sanctity of contract." The subject of the treatise is the effect which the world's development in industry and in political ideas, the growth of great industrial concerns, and modern practice in legislation, have had and are having upon the working of this principle. . Steam and mechanical inventions have worked a complete change in the conditions of industry. Has it been for good? Mr. Griffin in England, and Mr. Atkinson in America, answer from statistics that, so far as physical wants are concerned, it apparently has. But it is not the workman's absolute present condition, "so much as a comparison of that condition or a contrast of it with the conditions around him, that comes into question. In other words, it is the increased disparity which constitutes his ground for discontent. Indeed, it is easy to understand that the bettered physical condition of the laboring man may of itself be a reason for bis discontent, when we consider that this better condition has brought with it a better discerning faculty, a better power for comparing and contrasting conditions, and an improved capacity for reasoning upon differences." Another potent factor of recent growth in determining the conditions of the present time is the industrial corporation, which, having become monarch of the chief fields of enterprise, has been made a trust for the benefit of those who manage it, at the expense of the public for whom it is in theory supposed to have been primarily instituted, and even of a considerable portion of its own constituency. The corporation has had saddled upon it, to prey upon the public and bind it, the new form of trust, which is denominated a "parasite," and comes accompanied by other parasites upon industrial liberty. The histories of the growth of the great railway monopolies and the trusts which they carry, and of the Standard Oil and the gas trusts, are related. The remedy for these evils may be sought in treating corporate managers as trustees for the public; but the obstacles in the way of reform are formidable. They are reviewed at length. The influence of protection—which is declared to be a theory and not a principle—is next considered, and found to be not good, but in violation of natural law and encouraging to "trusts." A paternal government is defined and condemned as one which "in any way erects or creates obstacles tending to interfere with the industrial incentives and equal political rights of the citizen, or which fails to prevent the creation of such obstacles, or to remove existing ones." Under this dictum, protection, permission of discriminations, the common-school system, legal-tender government obligations, priority of liens, and business enterprises, direct or indirect, by the government, are condemned; but supervision and control of the government's artificial creations—corporations—in matters affecting the rights of citizens; administrative acts for the whole people; regulation of the traffic in intoxicants and poisons, prevention of food adulterations, and other acts of police, are not paternal, but within the proper sphere of government. The author's views respecting the common-school system, being different from those generally prevailing, are dwelt upon at length. Paternalism is less prevalent in America, and we have a great advantage in the freedom with which land may be alienated; but in both England and America a great deal remains yet to be accomplished; and much is hoped for the man who will be the product of the next civilization.
The Chemical Analysis of Iron. By Andrew A. Blair. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company. Pp. 282. Price, $4.
This work is intended to embrace all the methods of value to the iron analyst. It
