themselves the willing tools of the railroad owners. The Pennsylvania, the Santa Fe, and other roads sent petition-bearing delegations to Washington to create a publicity and legislative backfire against the labor unions working for the bill. All the expenses for these lobbying junkers were, of course, borne by the railroad companies.
By "going into politics" the company unions have struck a heavy blow at the legislative agents of the trade union administrations which have always boasted of their skill in persuading capitalist politicians to "do them favors." The old time Washington trade union officials see developing a rival group of labor lobbyists bought and paid for by company money. They see a competitive circle of congressional vote-watchers rising up to "speak for labor." This spectre, as much as the loss in trade union membership, has stirred at least a few of the venerable labor officials to face the rising menace of the company union. Altho they make frequent statements discounting the importance of the company unions and predicting their early collapse, it is clear that they realize the seriousness of the company-controlled committee especially if it can be transported to Washington to clash with the regular labor officialdom in vote-chasing parties around the lobbies of Congress.
No Outsiders Allowed!
A cardinal principle of the company union is that no "outsiders" shall be permitted to speak for the employees. No spokesman from without the factory wall shall be admitted into the bargaining councils. The plan, say the labor relations experts, is "intra-mural." No trade union agents are needed to argue their cases. The workers are flatteringly assured that there are plenty of "smart fellows" in the plant who can debate a case and present an
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