the Allies of Czarism and the mere possibility of alliance with Czarism for the high ideals of defending "democracy and culture" was very difficult to explain.
We should also point out that at the beginning the revolution appeared somewhat to help the Allies. By using the word "Allies" we do not mean the leaders of the government at that time, but the union leaders of the Allied countries. It seemed to the union leaders that they gained something as at present liberal friends will not be allied any more with Czarism but with not less but maybe more liberal Russia, with a republic under the leadership of Kerensky.
But these gain which they tried to realize were quickly evaporated. In the leading circles of labor, and especially in the trade union movement they began to look with great fear at the growing "anarchy," as it is known, began to appear about June, 1917. We will not stop here, to explain how they sent to us their "socialist ambassadors," how La Fon, Moute, and Cachin—at present Cachin is a Communist but at that time was not—were given the mission of bringing Russia into the folds of "democracy," otherwise stated "to drag Russia back into the war." We will not stop here to explain how the Belgians sent to us their wonderful speakers, and how the British and Americans worked to the same end. There were attempts, from the labor movement, from the trade union organizations of the Allied countries to influence the Russian revolution, to bring it into the folds of the Allies by the promises that were made.
It is well to point out also that French imperialism—giving the devil his due—was very able in conducting agitation and propaganda for the purpose of fooling the masses. They prepared already the sending to us from France semi-official representative but with plenary powers, the leader of the Metal Workers, Merrheim, who was in the cabinet circles, and if it did not succeed it was our fault, the fault of the Russian workers, for we arranged suddenly for them the October Revolution. On the other hand, from the side of the labor circles of Europe they considered the revolution from the point of view of "What will the revolution give to conduct and continue the war?"
But the Russian revolution in its further October development, reflected on the laboring masses; it created an enthusiasm, a great encouragement, for the revolution itself. From the moment of the October revolution there begins a new epoch in the war itself as well as in the international labor movement. Therefore, in order to understand the shapes which the labor movement has taken in Western Europe it is necessary to understand the general relation of forces and that new force—the Russian revolution—and then we will be able to judge the influence of its post-October period.
