the disillusion of the middle classes, and, on the other hand, is trying to penetrate the labor organizations. There is one more peculiarity about Fascism: it is the mobilization of active workers from the workers' organizations, and especially from the leaders of the left for action against the labor movement. We should not forget that Mussolini himself, during the year 1914, was a member of the left wing of the Socialist Party, was the editor of Avanti, that, among his cabinet members and comrades there are former leaders of the anarcho-syndicalist movement. It is natural that these elements who came from the school of labor organizations, know the weak points of these organizations and are able to hit these spots very hard.
One Italian writer has called Fascism "the preventative counter-revolution" as a means to avoid a revolution. The Fascist movement which at present is embracing the whole world, especially demonstrated itself in Italy. Fascism is at present a very important social occurrence, which needs very careful study. But this is not in the scope of my discourse. At present we are interested in the question as to the attitude of the Amsterdam International and its component parts toward the Fascist danger.
First of all, we must point out that the Amsterdam International in its different sections did not understand the social significance of Fascism. In those very rare resolutions which they adopted on that question they considered Fascism as a simple reaction. But if Fascism is a simple reaction, then why don't we talk about Fascism in Hungary, where the reaction is not less than in Italy? Why don't we talk about Fascism in France, where we have such representatives of reaction as Poincare?
It is apparent that the character of a Fascist regime demands a more clear description. This reaction is a specific one, and specific methods should be used En the fight against it. Fascism not only tries to base itself on some sections of the working class, but is also trying to create its own Fascist labor organizations, and this does represent a greater danger. In Italy has been created a confederation of Fascist trade unions which is trying to capture the whole labor movement. It is natural, therefore, that the struggle against Fascism, besides the usual methods of struggle against reaction, must bear a special character fitted to this special form of reaction.
The first to raise the alarm of the necessity of the struggle against Fascism were the Comintern and Profintern. Directly after the upsetting which took place in Italy, we approached the Second, the Second-and-a-Half Internationals, and the Amsterdam International with proposals to begin a united fight against Fascism. Our proposals were rejected and the Amsterdam International as well as the international political organizations assumed the responsibility separately to fight against the Fascist reaction. And what did their fight consist of?
