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dismembering Mexico, that her territory may be brought into the Union as slave Stales, thereby giving the South a perpetual preponderance in our national councils; that the war must' be attended with a vast sacrifice of blood and treasure; that defeat may ultimately befal our army; and that success might bring into the Union a question more dangerous to our peace than any army of Mexico more fatal to our Union than all other causes combined. I have also attempted to show that the President, deaf to public sentiment and public remonstrance, seems determined to prosecute this un just and aggressive war, regardless of consequences. It seems to me that if there ever was a case which required the interference of Congress, this is that case. If we, as representatives of the people, have the right to control the means, the circumstances connected with this war, and the character of the war itself, demand the exercise of this right.
On a subject of this magnitude every one must judge for himself. I am not authorized to speak for others, though I know that many others concur with me in opinion. I must act on my own responsibility, and I cheer fully accord the same liberty to others. Nor is it, perhaps, strange that there should be a difference of opinion in relation to this policy. Those who believe that the war is just; that it. is prosecuted wisely, with a good prospect of success; that dismembering Mexico is a justifiable object, and that it will prove a blessing to this country, will, of course, see no reason why they should restrain the Executive by withholding supplies. But those who entertain the opposite opinion—who regard the war as unnecessary and unjust—who believe that the dismemberment of Mexico would be an outrage, and bringing territory into the Union by conquest will endanger its existence—must, as it seems to me, see no reason why they should not take measures to arrest this evil and avert this calamity. I can judge only for myself; but I am free to declare that, believing as I do, that the whole affair is politically and morally wrong, I could not justify myself in giving to the President the means of bringing dishonor upon our national character, and of endangering the peace of the Union, by attempting to extend" the institution of slavery. I feel that I should be guilty of gross inconsistency—of unmanly cowardice—of a political and moral wrong—of a sin. in the sight of God, if I lent my influence to the prosecution of such a war. As a faithful representative, as one sworn to support the Constitution, and to- promote the best interests of my country, I cannot, I will not do it, come what may.
But I may be asked, whether 1 will desert my country in the hour of her peril; whether I feel indifferent to the glory of our country, and the honor of her flag? Mr. Chairman, I owe allegiance to my country; and, instead of deserting her in the hour of her peril, I cling to her the stronger as her dangers increase. A fond regard for my country has induced me at this time to speak in her behalf, and to utter sentiments which I know will not be approved by some of my personal and political friends. I see her in danger. Her Constitution has been assailed; its sacred principles have been violated by one who has been placed as their guardian. The Executive has invaded the sacred prerogative of Congress by exercising the war-making power. I see the Constitution in danger in another respect. We have been told on this floor, by several gentlemen, that the Executive is supreme in time of war, and that we are bound to give him whatever he may ask. Here, again, I believe that my country is in danger of having her fundamental law so interpreted as to convert her form of Government into a military despotism. And; in such an hour of
