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time of peace. The President says: "Information that he (Santa Anna) was hostile to the establishment of a monarchy and to European interference in the affairs of his country, had been received, from sources believed to be reliable, at the date of the recognition of war by Congress, and was afterwards fully confirmed by the receipt of the despatch of our consul in the city of Mexico." So that it appears that the President, through his agents, had been plotting with the treacherous Santa Anna to revolutionize a country with which we were at peace!—had been guilty of an outrage such as Mr. Calhoun declared to be a just cause of war! And now the servile tools of this same Executive have such profound regard for the honor of our country, that they cannot consent to have our army withdrawn from a foreign soil!
But we have been asked whether we would withhold supplies, and so permit our gallant little army to suffer for the want of clothing and provisions. All such inquiries are founded in gross ignorance, or else are designed to mislead the public. I would vote all money necessary to pay debts which have been already contracted, so that third persons should not suffer. I would sustain the plighted faith of the nation in every case of that character. But the general appropriation bills are prospective in their operation. The thirty millions we are asked to appropriate for the army, does not take effect till the first of July next, and extends to July, 1848. It is entirely prospective, and has reference to the prosecution of the war seventeen months hence. By withholding this appropriation, or, by reducing it one-half, we should not injure those gallant men now in the field. We should simply prevent the Executive from sending thousands of others to that land of pestilence and death. As far as men and money should be necessary to bring off our army in safety, I would cheerfully grant them. And, even in a military point of view, I would withdraw our army to our own territory. In that event, our old standing force of eight or ten thousand would be amply sufficient to guard our frontier. All our volunteer force might at once be dismissed, and the expenses of the war reduced more than three-fifths.
And why may not such a step be taken? A vast majority of the people in the United States would approve of it, and it commends itself to a majority of this House. I am firmly of the opinion, from what I have heard myself, and learned from others, that if the gentlemen on this floor would forget their party ties, and summon moral courage sufficient to enable them to follow their own judgment, we could pass a resolution this day, recommending to the President to recall our military force from the soil of Mexico. But, Mr. Chairman, we have fallen upon evil times. The ties of party are stronger, I fear, than the love of country . Many, very many, advocate the prosecution of the war, when, at the same time, they condemn and loathe it. Some of my own political friends declare, that it is good policy to prosecute the war, as it will effectually break down and use up the present Administration. I believe, sir, most sincerely, that the war will break down the present Administration; but I cannot prosecute it for such a purpose. I cannot entail upon posterity a debt of $100,000,000 for the paltry purposes of party. I cannot sacrifice twenty thousand of our citizens annually, for the purpose of bringing more odium upon the present occupant of the Presidential Chair. I never will consent to play at a game, where the lives of my countrymen are the stakes.
But it is said that we should grant supplies, and then hold the Administration responsible when the war is over. Hold them responsible, when
