that is not likely to excite especial jealousy, such as Holland or Belgium, we shall not only command the esteem and confidence of mankind in a much higher degree than ever before; we shall not only be able to get coaling-stations and naval depots wherever we may want them, but we shall qualify ourselves for that position which is most congenial to our democratic institutions; which we can maintain without extravagant armaments; which will not involve us in any burdensome political responsibilities, and which in the commercial point of view will, particularly in case of war among foreign nations, be infinitely more profitable than any other possibly can be—I mean the position of the great neutral Power of the world.
The policy I am advocating is, therefore, not a merely idealistic one. It suits this Republic best morally as well as materially. It is best calculated to preserve our free institutions intact, and it will give us eventually by far the greatest expansion of trade at the smallest risk, while other nations are fighting for such expansion. Such conflicts on a large scale we may witness before long. Let us hope that they will not come before we are out of this war and that this Republic may have the privilege of witnessing them from the vantage ground of the strong neutral. Occupying that ground we shall not need alliances in order to profit from the opening of new avenues of commerce. Of course, the idea of an “Anglo-American understanding” appeals strongly to my sympathy. But I would much rather see this Republic maintain the attitude of an independent and powerful neutral than depend upon any alliance for the safety of its possessions, however magnificent these may appear.
We cannot, in my humble opinion, follow a policy of annexing outlying territories without forfeiting these advantages, without becoming involved in foreign quarrels,
