people, by the people and for the people,” as entitled to the highest consideration.
I believe that this Republic, in that sense, can endure so long as it remains true to the principles upon which it was founded, but that it will morally decay if it abandons them. I believe that this democracy, the government of, by and for the people, is not fitted for a colonial policy, which means conquest by force, or, as President McKinley called it, “criminal aggression,” and arbitrary rule over subject populations. I believe that, if it attempts such a policy on a large scale, its inevitable degeneracy will hurt the progress of civilization more than it can possibly further that progress by planting its flag upon foreign soil on which its fundamental principles of government cannot live.
I hail the existing friendliness of feeling between the United States and Great Britain with the warmest satisfaction and am willing to join any demonstration of American sentiment responsive to the cordial sentiments at present manifesting themselves in England. I ardently hope that this friendship will last. But I seriously doubt whether it would last long if the United States and England formed a partnership with a view to the extension of their respective dominion or influence. I see good reason for apprehending that such a partnership would not only not secure the peace of the world, but become ultimately very dangerous to the preservation of peace among the partners themselves. On this subject I have expressed my opinions more elaborately in an article which will appear in the October number of the Atlantic. Let me hope that you will not think me presumptuous if I submit that paper to your consideration.
You refer to the Czar's peace proclamation as an inspiring event of great promise. The full realization of the Czar's peace-program would indeed be a measureless
