candidacy. There being more of such inquiries than I can answer separately, you will oblige me by giving me space for a public statement of my views.
Colonel Roosevelt and myself have long been personal friends, and I have always respected his many excellent qualities very highly. When he was first spoken of as a candidate for the governorship, I greatly wished and hoped to be able to support him; and it is no mere empty figure of speech when I say that with painful reluctance I have come to an adverse conclusion. Although somewhat disappointed by some things he did immediately before his nomination, I continued to hope that he would, in opening his campaign, take a position entirely consistent with the character of a champion of good government, and that, if he touched National questions at all, he would at least refrain from making his extreme imperialism one of the issues of the election.
I was much startled when I read that in response to the declaration of the Republican State platform, “We commend the administration of Governor Black; it has been wise, statesmanlike, careful and economical,” Colonel Roosevelt, in accepting the nomination for the governorship, went so far in his concession to the Republican party machine as to say: “The record made by the Republican administration in the State of New York is a guarantee that upon all questions involving the property rights and interests and liberty of all citizens the Republican party can be safely trusted.” Considering what the record of that administration notoriously is, Mr. Roosevelt's language betrayed a kind of partisan spirit which has been fatal to many good intentions such as Colonel Roosevelt now—no doubt, honestly—avows in general terms.
But, while in this respect we might still be inclined to hope for the best, we can hardly do the same with regard
