in the same debate, introduced himself, as “one of the representatives of a State whose domestic industry exceeds in value $1,000,000 for every secular day in the year,” declared that the “manufacturers of New England ask for no new enactments of importance for their relief or protection. The manufacturer asks no additional protection.” In the same debate, Mr. Sherman said “that the manufacturers have asked, over and over again, to be let alone. The tariff of 1857 (lower than that of 1846) is the manufacturers' bill.” And Mr. Morrill himself admitted, on a subsequent occasion, that the tariff called by his name “was not asked for, but coldly welcomed by manufacturers, who always and justly fear instability.” The manufacturers asking for nothing! And what is the explanation of that phenomenon which now seems so strange? It is simple. The low tariff had built up manufacturing industries which were healthy, legitimate and ably conducted. Manufacturers had to rely, and did rely, upon their business knowledge, skill and inventive talent. There were no incompetents attracted to manufacturing by “legislative favors” to help them out of the lurch when their own lack of business ability and wastefulness ran them into embarrassment. There were no greedy speculators attracted, depending upon the government to aid them in filling their pockets rapidly with millions, at the expense of the people. And, moreover, there was no confused mass of high-tariff duties, protecting one industry at the expense of another, and hampering manufacturing production itself with complicated burdens and impediments. I repeat, the manufacturing industries had a clear field before them; their growth was healthy, their spirit self-reliant; and therefore they flourished, not needing more protection and not wishing it. Thus our own history tells us that, while our manufacturers under every high protective tariff had clamored for more protec-
