ministry, that had been supported by Jaurès, fell, and the new ministry drew its support from the more moderate parties. This left the Socialists free to withdraw from the group of Parliamentary Republicans. In April, 1905, the new Socialist party organisation was completed.
These events seem at first sight like a step backward, but we cannot help being convinced that the triumph of the uncompromising element is only apparent. The fighting strength of the party is undoubtedly increased by union, and Jaurès is too wise a politician not to know when a partial surrender will lead to final victory. His belief in the Reformist method is of course unshaken, but he is willing to wait and be politic, knowing that in the end his adversaries will be forced by the pressure of events to follow his plan of action. He towers above them, secure in his larger vision of history and conscious of the great part he has yet to play in the politics of his country and of the world.
Jaurès is probably the most conspicuous and at the same time the strongest personality in French political life at present. He is continually before the public; his activity and versatility seem unlimited. His personal organ, L'Humanité contains almost daily articles signed by him, and represents his policy in every department of life: in its advanced interpretation of social legislation